Analyser les processus par lesquels les militants roumains s’engagent dans des luttes pour la justice sociale et économique à la lumière des facteurs individuels, internationaux et contextuels a été l’objectif central de notre recherche. Notre travail part d’un triple postulat théorique. D’une part, par l’étude de cas des trajectoires des militants altermondialistes et de gauche de la Roumanie postcommuniste, la présente thèse visera à offrir une analyse approfondie de la politisation des militants de l’Europe centrale et orientale, tout en se proposant de dépasser les postulats sur l’absence/la faiblesse des mouvements sociaux en Europe centrale et orientale, longuement présentés dans la littérature. Par l’approche généalogique et par le cadre théorique pluraliste choisi, qui combine le néo-institutionnalisme historique, la sociologie de l’engagement et la sociologie des mouvements sociaux, l’objectif est de changer l’accent d’une perspective déterministe sur la mobilisation des acteurs avec l’une processuelle. Deuxièmement, si les transformations postcommunistes ont été prioritairement présentées du point de vue des élites politiques, notre recherche se centre sur des acteurs qui sont en marge de la politique roumaine et sur des engagements « à gauche » dans un contexte qui n’est pas favorable à ces « challengers ». Enfin, la thèse aborde l’impact de la crise économique de 2008 sur la mobilisation politique des acteurs en Roumanie et les opportunités ouvertes par la crise pour l’émergence d’une critique des effets sociaux de la transition et du néolibéralisme. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The study investigates the rise of online platforms that support teacher-to-teacher knowledge mobilisation. The adoption of the interpretative approach focuses the investigation on how the online platforms, their resources and the learning opportunities they provide are conceptualised by teachers in relation to their broader teaching practice, workplace culture and professional learning. The study is framed by two overarching research questions. (1) What is the nature of the knowledge being shared and reconstructed by teachers in Internet-mediated knowledge mobilisation? (2) What is the nature of the learning arising from teacher-to-teacher Internet-mediated knowledge mobilisation? The study employs a multiple case-study design to investigate two United States based online platforms, which facilitate teacher-to-teacher knowledge sharing. Twenty teachers from across the two cases were selected to participate in the study. A qualitative methodology was utilised. Teachers participated in an individual, face-to-face interview. In the two months following the initial interview teachers completed a weekly journal log detailing their engagement with the platform. Upon the completion of their journal logs, teachers participated in a follow-up interview via Skype. To help to contextualise the individual teachers within the broader case and to enrich their personal stories, observations of the platforms occurred throughout the data collection period. The study proposes a new theoretical model for how to conceptualise Internet-mediated knowledge mobilisation, the knowledge that is produced and the learning that occurs through the reconstruction process. It emphasises the connection between offline and online contexts and the role the platforms play in breaking down the boundaries between teachers' school-based practice and online resources and learning opportunities. The framework encapsulates the combining of the individual and their contexts of action, together with the platform and the information and knowledge it contains, to determine and shape the operation of the knowledge reconstruction process and the learning that transpires. Internet-mediated knowledge mobilisation facilitates the development of teachers' personal, practical knowledge by providing insight into the instructional practice of teachers and exposing teachers to new ideas and perspectives, which support the expansion of their propositional structures and episodic knowledge. Access to relevant, teacher-created materials increases the efficiency and effectiveness with which teachers can undertake elements of their practice, while also promoting learning through participation in work-based tasks. Individualism emerges as the dominant mode of engagement and learning in the study, with individual teachers regulating not only how and when they engage but also determining the outcomes they construct from their actions. The Internet, as a knowledge mediator, opens up new possibilities that are not available in teachers' offline contexts. It not only breaks down boundaries between teachers, but it also collapses boundaries between the various settings of teachers' professional practice and learning, effectively merging the offline and online contexts of teachers' work. The dual contexts of the platforms offer specific affordances that help to shape teachers' engagement, while also acting to promote new learning processes that do not exist in offline knowledge mobilisation.

This thesis studies how Liberal Democrat members and supporters use Internet tools to mobilise volunteers within local election campaigns. It also identifies who is most likely to use these tools and who is most likely to perceive that they are useful. Existing studies of the use of Internet tools to mobilise volunteers are limited because they have typically focused upon the Internet-as-a-whole, instead of breaking it down into smaller, more meaningful categories. It is important to study Internet tools individually as they each have different features and some are more deeply integrated into mobilisation practices than others. Therefore, this thesis addresses this limitation by focusing upon three specific Internet tools: Facebook, Twitter and email. It uses data generated from a participant observation, survey and series of semi-structured interviews. Similarly, few studies have been carried out in England or within the context of second order elections. As a result, this thesis explores the perceptions of grassroots activists in relation to English local elections, thus offering a relatively unique perspective upon the link between Internet tools and volunteer mobilisation. The findings confirm that it is beneficial to analyse Internet tools individually because there are significant differences in how they are used, in addition to who uses them and who perceives them to be useful. Email is the most commonly used; it is also perceived to be the most useful for mobilising volunteers and increasing membership. Younger people are more likely to use Facebook and Twitter and to perceive that they are useful tools, whereas older people are less likely to do so. This emphasises the importance of younger supporters, as the party would find it more difficult to reach online audiences without them. This thesis argues that people that become involved as a result of Internet tools are less likely to remain heavily involved over the long-term. For instance, externally elected public officials are less likely to join online or use Internet tools to mobilise volunteers and increase membership. This fits with a wider pattern of engagement amongst party elites and long-term members. It emphasises the importance of using a combination of online and offline tools to mobilise volunteers and increase membership.

Notre travail explore les groupes activistes en tant qu’organisations de mouvements sociaux. Pour cela, nous étudions comment les activistes expriment leur message en mobilisant des symboles (discours, position du corps, objets…) pour construire un ensemble de performances spécifiques appelé le répertoire tactique. Pour ce faire, ils s’inspirent de leurs prédécesseurs et de leurs cadres théoriques. Dans un deuxième temps, nous décrivons comment les activistes mobilisent les médias à l’aide d’une stratégie médiatique, reposant à la fois sur le répertoire tactique et sur une certaine intégration des activistes en son sein. Enfin, nous analysons les moyens par lesquels le groupe activiste mobilise ses membres (c’est-à-dire les recrute et les retient) ; cela passe en particulier par l’acquisition de compétences émancipatrices pour les activistes. En conclusion, nous montrons que le répertoire tactique constitue la colonne vertébrale d’un groupe activiste et participe à toutes les tâches que nous avons décrites (mobilisation de symboles, des médias et des activistes). Cette spécificité définit le groupe activiste en tant qu’organisation. Nous nous appuyons sur un travail ethnographique d’un an auprès du groupe activiste féministe La Barbe qui dénonce l’absence de femmes en haut des organisations. Notre travail s’accompagne d’une réflexion méthodologique sur l’observation d’un groupe féministe par un ethnographe homme. / This work analyses activist groups as organizations of social movements. Firstly, I study how activists express their message by mobilizing symbols (discourses, demeanor, objects…) in order to build a set of performances called the “tactical repertoire”. To do so, they draw inspiration from their predecessors and their theoretical frames. Secondly, I describe how activists mobilize media. Their media strategy relies both on the tactical repertoire and the integration of activists into the group. Finally, I enquire how the activist group mobilize its members (how it recruits and retains them); the acquisition of emancipatory skills is a particularly strong motivation for activists. In the conclusion, I show that the tactical repertoire is the backbone of an activist group as it participates in all the tasks described (mobilization of symbols, of media and of activists). This specific characteristic defines the activist group as an organization. I rely on a one-year-long ethnography among the French feminist activist group La Barbe, which denounces the absence of women at the head of organizations. I also reflect on the methodological implications of observing a feminist activist group as a male ethnographer.

More and more attention is paid in the academic debate to the issue of sub-state entities, represented by regional governments, as partially independent actors of international politics. This phenomenon, referred to as paradiplomacy, is particularly visible in the European Union, where since 1980s regional governments have been mobilising to gain direct influence on the shape of European politics. A regional government that acts as an agent of European politics may or may not be actively supported by its central government. This thesis tries to investigate the relationship between the direct representations of the Visegrád Group regions in Brussels and their respective national Permanent Representations. In the first chapter, I discuss the theoretical issues related to regional mobilisation in Brussels by referring to the work of researchers who deal with multi- level governance in the context of the European Union. In the second chapter, I present and justify the choice of research design, case studies, and semi-structured interviews as the main source of obtaining data necessary to answer the research question. In the third chapter, I included the analysis of the obtained information, and in the fourth chapter, the conclusions drawn from it. This research shows that direct regional...

Dimension à la question du financement du développement, qui se décline à travers une approche large du financement intégrant les principaux domaines d’action : mobilisation des ressources financières internes et autres apports de capitaux externes (investissements directs, aide publique au développement, allègement de la dette, envois des migrants) et enfin, révision du système monétaire et financier international. L’enjeu de cette thèse consiste à analyser cette approche du financement qui repose sur le concept de libéralisation financière. L’objectif est dans un premier temps de mettre en évidence le rôle de la finance dans le développement économique à travers l’étude des liens de causalité entre finance et développement économique. Ensuite, nous revisitons les politiques de libéralisation financière en mettant en avant l’étude de leur impact à travers l’analyse des ressources internes et externes pour le financement du développement en Afrique subsaharienne. L’analyse portera sur la mobilisation des ressources domestiques par le système fiscal et la mobilisation des ressources externes par la libéralisation du système financier domestique. Enfin, au regard de l’état de sous-développement financier combiné au sous-développement économique de ces pays, nous montrons la nécessité de recourir à une autre approche du financement qui se veut plus globale. Cette politique alternative passe par des politiques issues de l’hétérodoxie économique intégrant les éléments de l’institutionnalisme historique et de la théorie postkeynésienne. / Conference on Financing for Development in Monterrey in 2002 brings a new dimension to the issue of financing for development, which is available across a broad funding approach integrating key areas: mobilizing domestic financial resources and other inputs external capital (direct investment, official development assistance, debt relief, remittances from migrants) and finally, review the international monetary and financial system. The aim of this thesis is to analyze this funding approach based on the concept of financial liberalization. The aim is firstly to highlight the role of finance in economic development through the study of causality between finance and economic development. Next, we revisit the financial liberalization policies by emphasizing the study of their impact through the analysis of internal and external resources for financing development in Sub-Saharan Africa. The analysis will focus on mobilizing domestic resources through the tax system and the mobilization of external resources through the liberalization of the domestic financial system. Finally, under the condition of combined financial underdevelopment in the economic underdevelopment of these countries, we show the need for a different approach to financing that is more comprehensive. This alternative policy through political from economic heterodoxy integrating elements of historical institutionalism and post-Keynesian theory.

PhD (English) / Department of English

La thèse porte sur l’enjeu du gaz de schiste au Nouveau-Brunswick. Elle étudie comment il a été transformé en problème public entre 2010 et 2016. Trois groupes historiques du Canada, soit les Mi’kmaq, les Acadiens et les Anglophones, se sont mobilisés contre le développement de l’industrie du gaz de schiste au Nouveau-Brunswick. Ces trois groupes ont investi divers médias afin de faire valoir leurs préoccupations. L’enjeu du gaz de schiste fut construit de façon différente par les trois groupes, et a aussi évolué de façon distincte une fois qu’il a traversé le filtre des médias d’information provinciaux. La thèse a été réalisée par le moyen d’entretiens avec les acteurs clés de la mobilisation populaire ayant émané du comté de Kent au Nouveau-Brunswick et avec les journalistes de la province ayant couvert ces événements. Une analyse de contenu des médias de la province a aussi été effectuée. L’étude de cas comparative proposée dans cette thèse met en lumière le processus de construction d’un problème public. Entre autres, la recherche prend appui sur les concepts de public, d’espace public et de problème public pour étudier le débat sur l’enjeu du gaz de schiste tel qu’il est apparu dans l’espace public néo-brunswickois. La thèse s’inscrit également dans trois champs sociologiques, soit la sociologie des rapports sociaux et des relations interethniques et l’intersectionnalité; la sociologie de l’environnement; et les études sur les médias des minorités. La recherche montre que les trois groupes du comté de Kent ont utilisé des stratégies conjointes, mais distinctes pour arriver à leurs fins. Ces stratégies étaient influencées de façon toute spéciale par leur « préhistoire ». Les groupes ont aussi dirigé leur action vers des publics spécifiques et ils ont ciblé des espaces publics (dont des médias d’information) qui ont joué divers rôles pour eux tout au long de la lutte. Enfin, chacun a cadré différemment le problème public du gaz de schiste. Les publics acadien et anglophone en ont parlé comme d’un problème environnemental et le public Mi’kmaw comme d’un problème lié aux droits ancestraux, aux traités, à la consultation et à la corruption. Dans l’espace public, la construction du problème public se poursuit selon des considérations qui sont différentes de celles des publics, et propres à chacun des médias dont il est question. Les journalistes font face à des contraintes et se basent aussi sur des idéaux de la profession pour faire leur travail. Au fil du temps, nous pouvons observer le problème public naître, se transformer, puis disparaître de l’espace public néo-brunswickois. Le problème public a évolué en passant d’une discussion sur des enjeux (économiques et environnementaux) à une discussion sur des actions (des manifestants, puis des politiciens).

Humanity currently faces an existential crisis: anthropogenic climate change. In order to guarantee our survival on a stable planet, immediate mitigation and adaption strategies must be implemented. However, institutions are failing to live up to the task and a concrete action plan is currently non-existent, as climate governance struggles with fragmentation, commitment, and challenges posed by neoliberalism. Since the top-down approach is insufficient, extra-institutional actors are arising as leaders for the environmental agenda.  This study narrows down on Greta Thunberg and assesses her capacity in leading the climate movement. The applicability of frame theory (Benford and Snow, 2000) will be tested to understand the mobilisation potential of Greta’s discourse. The main focus of this examination is to analyse how Greta has used diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational collective action frames in order to place the limelight on the seriousness of climate change and correspondingly how this has led to civil society mobilisation. Through a discourse analysis of her speeches, it was discovered that the framing perspective plays a role in meaning construction for the movement.

This dissertation examines civilian mobilization amidst the Donbas war in Ukraine and the identity formation processes that it engendered. It focuses on ordinary residents of the frontline regions who voluntarily got together to address the humanitarian and military consequences of war in the absence of state support. It explores the micro-level dynamics of mobilization, particularly the demographic profile of volunteers, their motivations to join and their pathways to engagement. In so doing, it provides an account of how ordinary residents of seemingly passive regions became active in times of crisis. I use the concept of “identity formation” to analyze how war and war engagement have impacted citizen, gender, national and language identities of those active at the rear. The outbreak of war shattered habitual ways of thinking and acting and brought about new modes of belonging and meaning making for war volunteers. My findings suggest that successful volunteer efforts in wartime allowed volunteers to position themselves differently with respect to community, nation, and the state and to articulate new understandings of “good citizenship.” The shifting positioning of volunteers, as the research demonstrates, is inherently linked to the changing citizen regimes in Ukraine and the gendered conceptions of who counts as a legitimate member of the community. By employing ethnographic tools of inquiry, the dissertation provides an ethnographic account of wartime social change “from below” and speaks to larger social and political transformations in wartime using Ukraine as a case study. It does so with attention to the social-political environment within which collective action occurs and in relation to the new types of mobility, socializing and bonding it engenders.