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By creating a common foreign policy the EU stands to maximize its international clout and leverage over the globe, in much the same fashion as it has done with its united economic policies. European integrationists imagine the EU becoming a major global power, speaking with one voice, substantially increasing its political clout. As a major power the EU could stand to become a counterbalance to the United States, stabilizing the current unipolar world system and offering a real alternative on the global scene. However, standing in the way of such pursuits is the EU member states unwillingness to give up national sovereignty, along with their own individual foreign policy interests, orientations, traditions, and histories. Achieving global superpower status is most unlikely, but the EU can still make great strides in the area of foreign affairs if it can develop some common ground to work upon. This thesis seeks to expand upon the literature discussing the European Unions foreign policy process. It seeks to clarify the issues preventing the development of meaningful foreign policy, and therefore contribute to the body of knowledge concerning the difficulties that the EU faces. By examining the recent events of the preamble to the war in Iraq, this study analyzes the CFSP as it is to date, and draws conclusion about the nature of collective decision-making within the EU. It is also valuable in its analysis of the foreign policy process and how this in turn reflects upon the wider process of European integration.

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For many years, scholarship covering the Napoleonic satellite kingdoms has centered on the overriding presence of Napoleon Bonaparte without looking a great deal at the kingdoms that supported him. Since the recent publication of Stuart Woolf's Napoleon's Integration of Europe the focus of study on these satellite kingdoms will change. Bavaria's history in particular needs to be examined, especially since a clear study will reveal much of Bavaria's modernization during these years was already underway before Napoleon assimilated it into his empire. However, much of that progressive policy would not have been enacted without Napoleon's protection. This project therefore will represent an attempt to show that the reform policies of Maximilian von Montgelas and his lord, Max Joseph of Bavaria, were well underway before the advent of the Confederation of the Rhine, that Napoleon's dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire was paramount to the success of Montgelas' policy, and that Bavaria's zeal for reform was tightly bound up with a new upper-middle class and was not a German nationalist movement as later historians have assumed. The answers to these questions will reveal much about the nature of reform and modernization in the German minor states and that the intellectuals of the early 19th Century had much less to do with these movements than is generally believed. This project will rest on primary sources from the 1799-1815 period, primarily Montgelas' memoirs and much of the enormous material left by Napoleon Bonaparte and his ministers. Whenever secondary sources are used it will be the intent of the author to utilize primary quotations from within those texts as much as possible. In the end, it will be seen that the "revolution" in Bavaria owed much to Napoleon but not its existence. Likewise it will be clearly seen that these reforms were undertaken by bureaucrats and not on the whole by the supporters of German romantic philosophers, and that Bavaria's allegiance was entirely local and had very little to do with any drive for German unification.

By creating a common foreign policy the EU stands to maximize its international clout and leverage over the globe, in much the same fashion as it has done with its united economic policies. European integrationists imagine the EU becoming a major global power, speaking with one voice, substantially increasing its political clout. As a major power the EU could stand to become a counterbalance to the United States, stabilizing the current unipolar world system and offering a real alternative on the global scene. However, standing in the way of such pursuits is the EU member states unwillingness to give up national sovereignty, along with their own individual foreign policy interests, orientations, traditions, and histories. Achieving global superpower status is most unlikely, but the EU can still make great strides in the area of foreign affairs if it can develop some common ground to work upon. This thesis seeks to expand upon the literature discussing the European Unions foreign policy process. It seeks to clarify the issues preventing the development of meaningful foreign policy, and therefore contribute to the body of knowledge concerning the difficulties that the EU faces. By examining the recent events of the preamble to the war in Iraq, this study analyzes the CFSP as it is to date, and draws conclusion about the nature of collective decision-making within the EU. It is also valuable in its analysis of the foreign policy process and how this in turn reflects upon the wider process of European integration.

Ireland joined the European Union (EU) in 1973 that was the most significant decision for the national development. The EU is highly supported by Ireland whose success in the 1990s was resulted from not only the correct industrial policies of the government but also the benefits from the aid of funds and the market of the EU. The regional peace in Northern Ireland provides an environment of stable development for Ireland. Ireland is the most globalized country where the Government adopts open and liberal developing strategies of Neoliberalism and considers itself to be the door of the EU. Moreover, the government attracts foreign capital aggressively, developes software industries and focuses on Research & Development for upgrading of the industries. Ireland was known as the ¡§Celtic Tiger¡¨ due to the remarkable economic growth. However, the financial crisis of 2008 impacted the Irish economy heavily. Therefore, Ireland became the first country to announce the recession in the EU. This study focuses on analyzing the crisis and the fragility of Irish industries with the perspective of Neoliberalism. The governmental policies overcoming the crisis in the case of sofeware industry will be furthermore analyzed.

Why do some citizens of the European Union feel indeed European and others do not? Although the officials of the European Union introduced many symbols and discourses of unity, empirical studies show that the development of a sense of belonging at the popular level is slow. This dissertation, by drawing upon the established social identity theories, takes the investigation back to basics. It develops a model consisting of the basic premises of the identity theories as well as factors deriving from national and individual contexts that condition individual experiences relating to the aforementioned premises. Rather than developing new theories, this work's contribution to the study of European identity is that the study presents as complete a model as possible based on the existing theoretical frameworks as a cross-sectional analysis. Doing so, it unifies the disconnected literature on the issue within a consistent theoretical logic and cross-validates the patterns found in 15 countries through a large N multivariate analysis based on the Eurobarometer 2000. Results yield that social identity theories are confirmed in the case of European identity except for external demarcation principle.

<p>The inner market of the European Community is developing and as a part of this company law and the freedom of establishment are doing the same. Some of this development is carried out through case law from the European Court of Justice as well as through Community harmonisations. As this has happened some worried voices has been raised arguing that a development similar to that in the USA, known as the Delaware effect, might occur. There has been some development indicating such development; companies have made use of the freedom of establishment to seek a more favorable legislation and Member States have changed and adapted their legislations. An example is the lowering of the minimum paid-up capital for limited liability companies that has oc-curred.</p><p>In this paper the Delaware effect is investigated in order to clarify what it is and how it has developed. This knowledge is vital to be able to se if a Delaware effect might be developing within the European Community. There has been a large discussion on the Delaware effect in the USA and it is evident from that discussion that there are scholars arguing in several directions and that it is in-conclusive whether or not the Delaware effect is detrimental to shareholders, companies and others.</p><p>In this paper it is argued that, as it is questionable what the Delaware effect en-tails in the USA it is even more questionable to talk about a Delaware effect within the European Community. The Member States are to some extent re-stricted, due to Community harmonisations, as to what they can do in order to compete for incorporations. Companies are also hampered in their attempts to make use of the freedom of establishment, especially companies already incor-porated in a MS. It is also argued that there is a lack of incentives and possibili-ties for both Member States and companies to facilitate a competition for company law.</p><p>Adding these components together, the preconditions within the European Community are not suitable for a Delaware effect or a European Community Delaware to emerge. The continued development of the freedom of establish-ment along with the companies increased understanding of its benefits might create incentives to seek more favorable legislations, but it is highly unlikely that a Member State will emerge to be as successful as Delaware.</p>

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Thesis (M. Tech. (Homoeopathy))--Technikon Witwatersrand, 2004. / Specialist supervisor: D. Mycock ; supervisor: E. Solomon. Also available via World Wide Web.