Darbo tikslas: Išsiaiškinti pirmą kartą ir pakartotinai atliekančių bausmę nuteistųjų adaptacijos ypatumų ir asmenybės bruožų sąsajas. Tiriamieji: tyrimas buvo atliekamas nuo šių metų sausio mėnesio 8 dienos iki rugsėjo mėnesio 1 dienos ir vyko dviem etapais. Tyrime dalyvavo 316 bausmę atliekančių nuteistųjų (vyrų). Pirmajame etape tyrimo anketos buvo išdalintos pakartotinai bausmę atliekantiems nuteistiesiems, kuriems buvo pasibaigęs 3 mėnesių adaptacijos laikotarpis. Šią grupę sudarė 134 asmenys. Antrame etape tiriamųjų grupę sudarė 182 pirmą kartą atliekantys bausmę nuteistieji, kuriems buvo pasibaigęs adaptacijos programos taikymas. Tiriami asmenys buvo atrinkti pagal tai, ar jų adaptacijos laikotarpis jau buvo pasibaigęs. Tyrimui buvo naudotos Adaptacijos klausimynas, Eyesenck H. Ir S. klausimynas (asmenybės bruožų klausimynas), BDI (Beck Depression Inventary) metodikos. Išvados: tyrimo metu įvertinta, kokios įtakos nuteistųjų adaptacijai pataisos namuose gali turėti tokie veiksniai kaip išsilavinimas, darbas/ mokymasis, priklausomybės, nuteistųjų subkultūros tradicijų laikymasis, fizinė bei psichologinė sveikata, žalojimasis, santykiai su kitais nuteistaisiais, laisvalaikio prasmingumas, drausminės nuobaudos, bei kaip nuteistųjų adaptacija pataisos namuose susijusi su asmenybės bruožais. Nustatyta, jog pirmą kartą atliekantys bausmės nuteistieji adaptuojasi geriau nei pakartotinai atliekantys bausmę nuteistieji. Gauti rezultatai rodo, kad nuteistųjų amžius neturėjo... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The aim of the research: To investigate first time and repeatedly serving time convicts adaptation peculiarities and personal traits connection. The object of the research: research was performed from 8th of January till 1st of October of this year and took place in two stages. In this research participated 316 (three hundred and sixteen) convicts, who serve the punishment (males). In first stage of research forms were given out to convicts, who served punishment repeatedly, and whose three month adaptation period was expired. This group was formed out of 134 (one hundred and thirty- four) individuals. In second stage of research group was formed out of 182 (one hundred and eighty-two) convicts who serve punishment for the first time, and whose adaptation program application were expired. Individuals were selected based on their expired adaptation period. In this research was used Adaptation questioner, Eyesenck H. ir S. questioner (personal traits questioner), BDI (Beck Depression Inventory) methodic. Conclusions: at the time of research was evaluated, which influence to convicts adaptation in penitentiary can effect factors like education, job/ study, dependency, convicts subculture tradition observance, physical and mental health, relations with other convicts, free time meaning, discipline penalty, and how convicts adaptation in penitentiary were connected with personal traits. Established, that convicts serving time for the first time adapting better than convicts... [to full text]

This dissertation looks at the possibility of using a development, like a retirement village, to stimulate the economic development of small towns. Following on from this, the question of whether or not a retirement village could be used as a model for Local Economic Development (LED) of small towns is also explored. The case study chosen, is that of the small town ofHowick (situated in the Midlands ofKwaZulu-Natal) and Amberfield Retirement Village which is located there. The study examines the economic impact that Amberfield Retirement Village has had on the small town ofHowick, as well as le>oking at the extent to which its success is locationally specific (and what implications this wou}d have in terms of replicating the retirement village). The findings of the study reveal that Amberfield Retirement Village has had a significant impact on Howick, especially in terms ofthe linkages it creates and the large injection of capital that it brought to the small town. The unique locational aspects and specificity of both Howick and Amberfield Retirement Village also form part of the findings of the study, and which affect the conclusion drawn in terms ofthe replicability ofthe retirement village. It is concluded that the retirement village could be used as a model for LED of other small towns, however, the location and the setting of the retirement village are all important. / Thesis (M.T.R.P.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1997.

No abstract available. / Theses (M.T.R.P.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1992.

This thesis is a monograph of South African poet and artist, Wopko Jensma. Jensma's published anthologies, Sing/or Our Execution (1973), Where White is the Colour, Where Black is the Number (1974) and Have You Seen My Clippings (1977) together with the relatively unknown and unpublished, Blood and More Blood deal with issues of identity relating to race and class within the context of apartheid South Africa in the nineteen seventies. These four anthologies represent a poetics of resistance conceived as an antidote to personal and social suffering as a result of the racist oppression of blacks in South Africa. Jensma's experimental poetry harnesses the signatures of jazz lyrics, concrete poetry, the avantgarde as well as African dance forms in bizarre cameos of underclass misery and racial oppression. In lieu of metrical regularity and rhyme the aesthetic experience is simulated by asemantic qualities of speech, sound and rhythmic undulations in a poetry characterised by what Samuel Beckett has called "the withdrawal of semantic crutches" (Schwab 1994:6). Jensma's schizoid discourse manifests itself as an asocial dialect with highly personal idioms, approximate phrases and substitutes which make his language extremely difficult to follow at times. Jensma's diction of private idiomatic language, mixing of dialects, the use of syncopation, ellipsis and experimental topography have no doubt contributed to the cryptic and arcane aberrations associated with schizophrenia. This schizoid versification is a paradoxical wish to protect the core of oneself from communication whilst simultaneously expressing the need to be discovered and acknowledged. This private idiomatic language reveal ordinary people driven into interior psychological spaces, as well as psychotic and surreal extremes in order to survive an overwhelming and implosive reality. Jensma's textual strategies deconstruct modernist assumptions about rationality, domination and meaning as a tyranny of power. The socially constructed self is exposed as a subject disempowered and alienated by ideologies which demand acquiescence and which offer false assurances in return. Likewise, the schizoid scrambling of the signifier is an attempt to repel the subjection implicit in rationalist discourse and to encourage an awareness of the world ideologically sanctioned by its dominant discourses. This study begins with a detailed biography of Jensma. The next chapter establishes the theoretical assumptions which inform the interface between Jensma's poetry and schizophrenia. Jensma's poetry is then systematically appraised in terms of themes, form and subjectivity. The last chapter is a study of the intertextual relations which provide insight into the context and milieii in which Jensma wrote and which permit a reading of Jensma's poetry as a discursive space in which different literary histories co-exist and respond to one another. The thesis concludes with an evaluation of Jensma's poetry as a pathological yet incisive response to the reductive politics ofracial essence, cultural crisis and the vagaries of consumer culture. / Thesis (Ph.D)-University of Durban-Westville, 2002.

This study offers an ethnographic account of the Brazilian protest movement that erupted in June of 2013. I conducted fieldwork in Rio during this time, including unstructured interviews, participant observation, unobtrusive observation, and collection of narratives to gain an understanding of what people living in Rio believe about these protests and social movements in general. The initial motivation for the protests was an increase in public transportation fare, but the movement quickly evolved into a fight for citizenship rights. With the upcoming mega-events in Rio (World Cup and Olympic Games), the city has spent billions of dollars on construction that many people think is unnecessary and ultimately useless. Brazil is a country rife with socioeconomic inequality, and many citizens lack access to having their basic needs met. Protesters in Rio argue that this money could be better spent on providing health care, education, and other fundamental necessities to the city’s population.

This study offers an ethnographic account of the Brazilian protest movement that erupted in June of 2013. I conducted fieldwork in Rio during this time, including unstructured interviews, participant observation, unobtrusive observation, and collection of narratives to gain an understanding of what people living in Rio believe about these protests and social movements in general. The initial motivation for the protests was an increase in public transportation fare, but the movement quickly evolved into a fight for citizenship rights. With the upcoming mega-events in Rio (World Cup and Olympic Games), the city has spent billions of dollars on construction that many people think is unnecessary and ultimately useless. Brazil is a country rife with socioeconomic inequality, and many citizens lack access to having their basic needs met. Protesters in Rio argue that this money could be better spent on providing health care, education, and other fundamental necessities to the city’s population.

This dissertation begins with the hypothesis that sacred places and their stories are connected in complex ways. This refers to place-based sacred places; that is, places which gain their sacred qualities from their natural environment. The two main examples used are both located in the U.K.: Puzzlewood and the Forest of Dean, and Stonehenge. It is further theorized that the stories within these places are repositories of an ancient wisdom; a memory of what it means to live with a sense of the divine in nature. Paying attention to those stories, and to the presences found in these places, may engender a greater appreciation of the interconnectedness of the human world to the natural world and the sacred in nature. Thus an ethic of care for that storied place may develop, and a more harmonious relationship between people and the larger environment may come about. Such an ethic of care may be central in finding solutions to current environmental problems, and preventing future ones. Thus a new story about our relationship with the Earth, based on ancient wisdom, may become the conduit for a kinder, gentler future, where peace, social justice, and environmental care inform both cultural paradigms and individual worldviews. This fusion of stories, the sacred, and the sacred in nature as a way towards self-realization, the development of an ethic of care, and the vision a more harmonious future, is the unique contribution of this dissertation. Bringing together these diverse strands required a multidisciplinary approach with multiple methodologies, particularly phenomenology to account for experiences in or of sacred places, and hermeneutics to address the stories. In addition, there was a need to include some of the basics of system theory to explore both natural and social systems, and for philosophical inquiry to discuss spirituality and cosmology. Other elements of this dissertation include a background of the ways in which history is presented, how this contributes to the paradigms and worldviews found in the modern Western world, and how those paradigms affect thinking about sacredness in nature, as well as a discussion of why stories are central to all of our lives, and how places come to be imbued with stories. All of this is then set within a framework of the principles of the deep ecology movement. To bring all this together with a cohesive collection of methods, the concentric circles model was created and is explained. Additionally, this dissertation presents five criteria that could prove useful in assessing sacredness in place when such sacred sites are contested, as happens quite often. This too may help to protect (care for) these places. / Graduate / 0422 / 0322 / michelleabeauchamp@gmail.com

Abstract People who are homeless are portrayed to be a distinct type of ‘homeless person’. Within scholarly research literature, their state of homelessness has been presented as informative of who they are. On both an individual and collective level, people without homes are ascribed with identities on the basis of their homelessness. Their voices and perspectives rarely contribute to broader knowledge about who they are as people. As such, the imposed ‘homeless identity’ has the consequence of positioning them as ‘other’ than the ‘normal’ people with homes. Using an ethnographic approach, this study aims to understand the day-to-day lives and identities of people who are homeless. Approximately one hundred people who slept and interacted within inner suburban Brisbane’s public places participated in this research. To learn about how they lived and who they saw themselves as individuals, I observed them, socialised with them, engaged them in informal conversations and formal interviews. This approach to fieldwork, conducted over a six month period, provided me with the opportunity to witness diverse aspects of daily lives. Further, the ethnographic engagement enabled a consideration of the ways people enacted and displayed different aspects of their identities across different social and physical places. For the individuals who participated in this study, there was a stark distinction between how they lived, on the one hand, and the type of people they identified themselves as, on the other. They were comfortable describing their lives in ways that deviated from what they saw as the ‘mainstream’, but at the same time, they aligned themselves with this ‘mainstream’. Research participants expressed a strong view that their experiences of homelessness did not offer any purchase in explaining who they were, and how they thought about the world. The public places in which they lived were perceived as problematic. Public places were dangerous and the site of unwanted interactions. Although living in public places meant that interactions and friendships with other people who were homeless was a reality, these interactions did not constitute a ‘homeless collective’. More fundamentally, however, living in public places meant having no legitimate places, and having limited capacity to control day-to-day lives. The participants in this research articulated stereotypical notions of what home meant to them – home was a physical structure, a house. Similarly, home was a solution to their lives as homeless. Their constructions of home can also be seen as symbolic of their aspirations to find their ‘place’, and engage in the ‘mainstream’ society they feel disconnected from. While public places were associated with limited control over daily lives, the people in this research also exercised agency in enacting different aspects of their identities. Mediated by the social and physical constraints within their environment, they displayed an awareness of social expectations and emphasised elements of the self to achieve specific ends. Identities matter. An understanding of the identities of people experiencing homelessness, from their perspectives, can contribute toward the development of homelessness practice and policy responses. A distinction is made between solving problems people may have and solving homelessness. In terms of the latter, the thesis concludes that the provision of ‘normal’ housing and the availability of support, as distinct from mandatory engagement with case management, is the most appropriate response to the needs of the people who participated in this research.

Abstract People who are homeless are portrayed to be a distinct type of ‘homeless person’. Within scholarly research literature, their state of homelessness has been presented as informative of who they are. On both an individual and collective level, people without homes are ascribed with identities on the basis of their homelessness. Their voices and perspectives rarely contribute to broader knowledge about who they are as people. As such, the imposed ‘homeless identity’ has the consequence of positioning them as ‘other’ than the ‘normal’ people with homes. Using an ethnographic approach, this study aims to understand the day-to-day lives and identities of people who are homeless. Approximately one hundred people who slept and interacted within inner suburban Brisbane’s public places participated in this research. To learn about how they lived and who they saw themselves as individuals, I observed them, socialised with them, engaged them in informal conversations and formal interviews. This approach to fieldwork, conducted over a six month period, provided me with the opportunity to witness diverse aspects of daily lives. Further, the ethnographic engagement enabled a consideration of the ways people enacted and displayed different aspects of their identities across different social and physical places. For the individuals who participated in this study, there was a stark distinction between how they lived, on the one hand, and the type of people they identified themselves as, on the other. They were comfortable describing their lives in ways that deviated from what they saw as the ‘mainstream’, but at the same time, they aligned themselves with this ‘mainstream’. Research participants expressed a strong view that their experiences of homelessness did not offer any purchase in explaining who they were, and how they thought about the world. The public places in which they lived were perceived as problematic. Public places were dangerous and the site of unwanted interactions. Although living in public places meant that interactions and friendships with other people who were homeless was a reality, these interactions did not constitute a ‘homeless collective’. More fundamentally, however, living in public places meant having no legitimate places, and having limited capacity to control day-to-day lives. The participants in this research articulated stereotypical notions of what home meant to them – home was a physical structure, a house. Similarly, home was a solution to their lives as homeless. Their constructions of home can also be seen as symbolic of their aspirations to find their ‘place’, and engage in the ‘mainstream’ society they feel disconnected from. While public places were associated with limited control over daily lives, the people in this research also exercised agency in enacting different aspects of their identities. Mediated by the social and physical constraints within their environment, they displayed an awareness of social expectations and emphasised elements of the self to achieve specific ends. Identities matter. An understanding of the identities of people experiencing homelessness, from their perspectives, can contribute toward the development of homelessness practice and policy responses. A distinction is made between solving problems people may have and solving homelessness. In terms of the latter, the thesis concludes that the provision of ‘normal’ housing and the availability of support, as distinct from mandatory engagement with case management, is the most appropriate response to the needs of the people who participated in this research.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Waikato, 2007. / Title from PDF cover (viewed March 14, 2008) Includes bibliographical references (p. 403-447)