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This three-article dissertation uses a mixed-method research design to examine a contemporary phenomenon related to grassroots resistance to urban gentrification. In New York City, Los Angeles, and other high-growth US cities, community-based organizations are utilizing National Register of Historic Places listing and local designation of historic districts as strategies to resist residential displacement in the context of gentrification and diminishing housing affordability. The central issue with this practice is quantitative research overwhelmingly finds that neighborhood socioeconomic trends follow indicators of gentrification after the implementation of historic districts. Qualitative studies also demonstrate that historic districts are most often associated with the interests of homeowners who seek districts to protect or increase property values. Therefore, the use of historic districts for anti-displacement purposes can appear counter-intuitive. Arguably, the few existing studies of this practice do not thoroughly analyze the value of publicly stating the intention of districts for anti-displacement purposes or how organizational entities hypothesize causal links between historic districts and the reduction of displacement by gentrification. This gap between research and practice presents an opportunity to examine the functions of historic preservation regulations and participatory venues within the uneven distribution of racial, political, and economic resources necessary to affect authoritative land use decisions. The three articles are sequential. The first article uses logistic regression to estimate the organizational, contextual, and neighborhood socioeconomic factors that influenced a sample of community-based organizations in New York City, NY, and the City of Los Angeles, CA, between 2000-2020 to state motivations for anti-displacement purposes at public hearings for new historic districts. The second article further examines organizations’ motivations through archived conference proceedings and focused interviews with the key informants of six (6) New York City community-based organizations on the political, socioeconomic, and racial processes that influenced their use of local and NRHP districts as anti-displacement strategies. The interviewed organizations were identified by the review of public hearing testimony and correspondence for Article 1. Finally, Article 3 uses a difference-in-differences statistical technique to test the neighborhood socioeconomic impacts of contextual rezoning in New York City between 1986-2020 as a type of non-FAR rezoning. Contextual zoning and historic districts are similar in that their implementation depends on the presence and maintenance of neighborhood character. Unlike historic districts, new development in contextual zones functions as an administrative process with the Department of Buildings without reliance upon discretionary review of proposals by a city agency. The articles find that community-based organizations pursue historic districts for a blend of procedural, regulatory, and financial benefits related to anti-displacement activism. Some organizations seek historic districts as substitutes for neighborhood-wide downzoning due to rezoning’s high financial and administrative costs, reflecting power inequalities in urban politics. The articles’ findings also suggest that there are causal links between regulatory restrictions on development and the exclusion of new socioeconomic groups, albeit in the interest of excluding residents of higher-socioeconomic status to resist gentrification. Ostensibly neutral, character-based discourse in urban development is implicated in preserving historical patterns of urban racial and economic isolation. Without state and federal interventions in the provision of urban growth, historic districts and character-based rezonings have limited influence on long-term urban equity.

Detta projekt undersöker platser och deras identiteter. Projektet syftar till att skapa en katalysator för en välbehövlig diskussion om platser, tillhörighet, identitet och demokrati genom att med grafisk design visuellt gestalta tio delområden i Malmös respektive identiteter och personligheter. En förändring kan komma först efter en insikt.Projektet utgår från en litteraturstudie i ämnet place branding. I denna upptäcks en metod för att analysera städers varumärken City Brands Index. Denna metod modifieras och används tillsammans med en enkätundersökning för att värdera varumärkena hos projektets tio delområden. Denna metod ligger tillsammans med en statistikjämförelse, en historisk litteraturstudie och en observationsstudie som grund för projektets gestaltning. Utifrån dessa undersökningar formges det till varje delområde en vapensköld som på ett subtilt och ibland abstrakt sätt gestaltar delområdets unika identitet. Dessa gestaltningar samlas och presenteras tillsammans på en hemsida, www.malmoplatser.se där besökare kan studera dels dessa vapensköldar, men också en hel del av undersökningarnas resultat. Gestaltningens slutliga och huvudsakliga poäng ligger i åskådarens egna tolkning av kopplingen mellan resultat och vapensköld.Genom att få stadens invånare och besökare att aktivt fundera över platsers identiteter och betydelser skapas en insikt om människors relation till varandra, om tillhörighet och gemenskap. / This project investigates places and their identities. The project aims to create a catalyst for a much needed conversation discussing places, belonging, identity and democracy by using graphic design to visualize the identities and personalities of ten neighborhoods in Malmö. Change can only come after insight.The project is based on a literature study on the field of place branding. In this study a method for analyzing city brands is discovered, The City Brands Index. This method is modified and used in combination with a survey to evaluate the brands of the project’s ten neighborhoods. This method forms, together with a statistics comparison, a historical literature study and an observational study the basis for the design project.Based on these studies, an escutcheon in the shape of a neighborhood shield which subtly and sometimes abstractly depicts the neighborhoods unique identity is designed for each neighborhood.These visualizations are presented together on a website, www.malmoplatser.se/en where visitors can study these neighborhood shields as well as some of the study results. The design projects final and main point lies in the spectators own interpretation of the correlation between the study results and the neighborhood shield.By making the city’s residents and visitors to actively reflect on the identities and importance of places, an insight of people’s relationship to each other, to belonging and community is created.

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<p>This thesis rewievs present day research on the settlement of Östra Aros in central Sweden. The thesis deals with the period from late Iron age to about 1270 AD, when the Swedish archdiocese moved to the already existing early-medieval settlement of Östra Aros, thus becoming the medieval town of Uppsala. The basis of the thesis is the study of a variety of source materials, such as artefact studies, runestones, topography and the prehistoric and early medieval hinterland. The thesis centers on archaeological excavation data and dating of settlement structures, particularly focusing on the settlements establishment. Through a critical review of primarily the written record and the archaeological data, the settlements characteristics and functions are discussed, emphasising when and if the settlement could be described as a town, central- or trading place.</p>

This thesis rewievs present day research on the settlement of Östra Aros in central Sweden. The thesis deals with the period from late Iron age to about 1270 AD, when the Swedish archdiocese moved to the already existing early-medieval settlement of Östra Aros, thus becoming the medieval town of Uppsala. The basis of the thesis is the study of a variety of source materials, such as artefact studies, runestones, topography and the prehistoric and early medieval hinterland. The thesis centers on archaeological excavation data and dating of settlement structures, particularly focusing on the settlements establishment. Through a critical review of primarily the written record and the archaeological data, the settlements characteristics and functions are discussed, emphasising when and if the settlement could be described as a town, central- or trading place.

En France, à la suite de précédentes constitutions, la Constitution de la Ve République consacre l’état de siège (art. 36) ; à l’étranger, de nombreux pays l’ont adopté. Ce constat laisse béant un paradoxe suivant : si la France adopte, la première, une législation d’exception, elle n’offre pas pour autant de réflexion approfondie sur ce qu’est l’état d’exception. L’étude des origines et de l’histoire de l’état de siège met au jour les raisons d’un tel paradoxe.L’état de siège est originellement une disposition technique du droit militaire (loi des 8-10 juillet 1791), qui prévoit que, dans certaines circonstances, l’ordre public et la police passent de l’autorité civile, compétence par principe, à l’autorité militaire. Ainsi, la loi prévoit le renversement du principe selon lequel l’autorité civile prime sur le militaire. Au cours de la Révolution, cette disposition est utilisée afin de réprimer les troubles violents qui se multiplient à l’intérieur du territoire. Durant le XIXe siècle, les régimes successifs y recourent également, jusqu’à ce que la Cour de cassation, en 1832, donne un coup d’arrêt à cette pratique. Le législateur est donc contraint d’adopter un texte – la loi du 9 août 1849 – qui encadre précisément son usage. Cette loi est, véritablement, une législation d’exception, au sens où elle contrevient à un principe consacré par l’ordre constitutionnel, en fonction de circonstances déterminées, pour un temps et un lieu circonscrits. Elle accorde également à l’autorité militaire des pouvoirs étendus qui restreignent les libertés publiques, et consacre la compétence des juridictions militaires pour juger les non-militaires. / In France, following previous Constitutions, the state of siege gained acceptance under the Constitution of the Fifth Republic (art. 36); many countries abroad adopted it. This fact leaves a gaping paradox: even if France adopts the first emergency legislation, it does not mean that it provides an in depth reflection on what is the state of emergency. The study of the genesis and history of the state of siege reveals the reasons for such a paradox. Originally, the state of siege was a technical measure of military law (law of July 8-10, 1791), which provided that in certain circumstances, public order and police would transfer from the civil authority, competent on principle, to the military authority. Thus, law foresaw the reversal of the principle according to which the civil authority takes precedence over the military. During the Revolution, this measure was used to suppress the violent unrest that became more frequent inside the territory. Throughout the nineteenth century, successive governments had also recourse to it until the Supreme Court put an end to this practice in 1832. Consequently ,the legislator was forced to pass a bill - the Law of August 9, 1849 - which would frame precisely its use. This law truly is an emergency law, which means that it contravenes a principle enshrined in the constitutional order, depending on specific circumstances, for a circumscribed time and place. It also gives to the military authority enlarged powers which restrict civil liberties, and establishes the jurisdiction of military courts to judge non-military courts.