This exploratory investigation examined the relationship between states' educational standardization and voter turnout, using cultural and critical theory lenses. The study documented the problem of low voter participation and current education standardization policies. The study used a complementarity mixed-methods design with sequential quantitative and qualitative components. The quantitative component developed a tool for measuring states' levels of educational standardization, the Standardized Education Index (SEI). Data for voter age population (VAP) and voter eligible population (VEP) in state presidential elections between 2000 and 2012 were used as measures of voter turnout. A weak correlation was found between the SEI and voter turnout for VEP in 2000 and VAP in 2000, 2004, and 2008, with between 6% and 14% of variability explained. While no evidence of a positive relationship between higher levels of SEI and higher voter turnout was found, no counter argument could be established either. The qualitative component utilized case studies of exemplars of states with high SEI/low voter turnout and high SEI/low voter turnout, which were Arkansas and New Hampshire, respectively. Investigated elements were educational Administrative Rules, voting regulations, and cultural/geographic and demographic attributes. Data were compiled and compared. A binary sort, a Dichotomous Sort of Accountability Concepts, framed the critical analysis of educational standards data. Arkansas was found to be a location of standardized education and restrictive voting regulations. New Hampshire was a location of more differentiated education supporting civic engagement with easier access to voting. This study's results are a baseline for further investigation of the relationship of educational standardization to voter participation. If standards based reform has a positive effect on voter participation, then future correlation analysis will produce a moderate to strong positive relationship. If the relationship remains negative, then it will provide evidence that standards reform does not engender an informed electorate.

Thesis (MPA.) --University of Limpopo, 2018 / Despite the adoption of democratic electoral procedures and the establishment of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) in post-apartheid South Africa, the strategies for providing voter education in rural areas of the country have not been adequate in terms of creating awareness about democracy and enabling rural citizens to mJlke rational choice during elections (Sadie, Patel, & Baldry 2016:6). It is for this reason that this study was conducted to evaluate the effectiveness of voter education strategies in one of the rural communities in Greater Giyani Municipality, in Limpopo province. This study adopted qualitative exploratory research design. The target groups were the local IEC voter educators and community members. Data was collected using one to one individual interviews, observation and literature review. The results of the study show that the IEC used various strategies to promote voter education. However, the dominant use of media was discredited by the community because of the language barrier, lack of ownership, one-way communication, unaffordability and low level of literacy. It was also found that voter education is not provided continuously as stated in IEC documents while shortage of IEC voter educators and limiting education periods pose other challenges. The study also revealed poor voter education coverage to special groups such as the disabled or the marginalised groups due to lack of capacity to teach them. These findings show that voter education is not as effective as it should be. The study therefore recommends that strategies for voter education be strengthened, especially in rural communities where people live in poverty and poor socio-economic conditions. It is further recommended that the IEC revises voter education strategies and uses those that will benefit more people, such as face to face and home visits, so that people feel free to ask questions. Furthermore, the community recommended that the IEC teaches community stakeholders, who will in turn cascade the information down to community members. The reason for this is that people are likely to feel free to communicate and to ask question because the educators will be known to them. The study further recommends that the IEC improves its staff complement to curb the existing shortage of human power. Further, research on evaluating the knowledge of voters on voting matters will be of outmost importance.

Using data from the American National Election Studies from 1968 to 2016, I explore the historical relationship between voter income, other demographic factors, and political polarization. I find that while having a higher income and a better education generally correlates with increased Republican political preference, though the relationship between higher income and increased Republican preference does not hold in lower income groups. Race is by far the most significant indicator of political preference, with whites and blacks on opposite ends of the political spectrum, and Hispanics as well as other races somewhere in between the two. In addition, I analyze the data from 20th century elections separately from 21st century elections and discover key differences in how each factor influences political preference.

This thesis will analyze the 2012 presidential campaign strategies, and their impact on the election. Specifically it will look at whether attack ads had an impact on the swing state polls. It will also examine the influence of technology, social media and grassroots campaigning on voter turnout. From my research I conclude that the Obama Campaign outdid the Romney Campaign in all sectors previously mentioned. However, one cannot definitely claim that these factors solely decided the election outcome. What one can conclude is that these strategies, particularly technology applications and websites, social media networks and grassroots campaigning will play major roles in future elections, as well as promoting democracy and enriched voter participation.

Voter participation among Saskatchewans citizens has decreased in both federal and provincial elections, especially in the past decade or so, and especially among 18-24 year olds. Provincially, turnout has fallen almost 20 percentage points over a four-year period. Saskatchewan voter turnout in federal elections has fallen almost 15 percentage points in a similar time period. The purpose of this thesis is to uncover potential factors that might help to explain why turnout has decreased so markedly. Though a number of factors exist to explain why fewer citizens are participating on election day, this thesis has worked to seek out the explanation in two forms. First, taking into account the civic literacy theory of Henry Milner, this thesis has examined Saskatchewans junior and senior high school curricula in an effort to find changes in the way civics has been taught. Marked changes have iv been found, and differences in the prescribed teaching of civics throughout the years point to the possibility that the way in which civics is taught to students may have an effect on whether they feel a duty or obligation to vote. Second, this thesis has, following the social capital theory of Robert Putnam, concluded through a brief survey of membership numbers in a small number of community and volunteer organizations as well as church attendance and volunteer levels that community involvement may also be a factor in deciding whether to vote. This thesis has concluded that more, duty-oriented civic education is needed in Saskatchewans junior and senior high schools in order to ensure that students leaving the education system feel an obligation to participate on election day and in the community more than they are presently.

Voter participation among Saskatchewans citizens has decreased in both federal and provincial elections, especially in the past decade or so, and especially among 18-24 year olds. Provincially, turnout has fallen almost 20 percentage points over a four-year period. Saskatchewan voter turnout in federal elections has fallen almost 15 percentage points in a similar time period. The purpose of this thesis is to uncover potential factors that might help to explain why turnout has decreased so markedly. Though a number of factors exist to explain why fewer citizens are participating on election day, this thesis has worked to seek out the explanation in two forms. First, taking into account the civic literacy theory of Henry Milner, this thesis has examined Saskatchewans junior and senior high school curricula in an effort to find changes in the way civics has been taught. Marked changes have iv been found, and differences in the prescribed teaching of civics throughout the years point to the possibility that the way in which civics is taught to students may have an effect on whether they feel a duty or obligation to vote. Second, this thesis has, following the social capital theory of Robert Putnam, concluded through a brief survey of membership numbers in a small number of community and volunteer organizations as well as church attendance and volunteer levels that community involvement may also be a factor in deciding whether to vote. This thesis has concluded that more, duty-oriented civic education is needed in Saskatchewans junior and senior high schools in order to ensure that students leaving the education system feel an obligation to participate on election day and in the community more than they are presently.

This thesis analyzes the history behind reapportionment and how the task of redistricting has differed in the past decades. For the most part, there was always been a public outcry when the task was in the hands of the Legislature. Fear of political gerrymandering and the creation of safe districts was enough for people to pass a series of initiatives to try and correct the system. While many initiatives failed to pass, Proposition 11, passed in 2008, created the Citizen’s Redistricting Commission—a 14-member committee put in charge of drawing this years’ plans. This paper also looks at population trends in the past decade and takes into account the impact of the increase in Latinos in the state of California.

This study examines the impact of political information conveyed through social media. Using the popular social network site (SNS), Facebook, I conduct a quasi-lab experiment, survey experiment, and randomized field experiment involving undergraduate students to explore the extent to which peer-to-peer communication via social media can increase political knowledge, change political attitudes, and mobilize people to vote.

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This thesis explores reasons why a voter would vote for a ¡§independent¡¨candidate in a city council¡¦s election. Since respondents in a telephone survey are not able to give their thoughts and description of vote intention thoroughly. given few survey questions .I therefore chose in-depth interview conducted before the election day to explore the real thoughts of the voters. My in-depth interview respondents are selected by telephones surveys and were interviewed regarding four topics, including party identification, political views, candidates and social networks. I find that partisanship is not the main factor of voting for an independent candidate. Instead, the key is his or her ability to serve the voters. The second factor is the ability to execute the public welfare policies and the third is education background and experiences in the field of public service. Fourth social network has limited effects on voters who were born in the 70¡¦s and 80¡¦s. Moreover, I discovered that the effects of the party ideology on voting behavior might differ across levels of elections. In particular, Kaohsiung voters will take the cue of party ideology at the city mayor¡¦s election, while this may not apply to a city council¡¦s election.