1970-talet var en tid av förändring. Oljekriser, industrikriser och strukturkriser var alla aktuella under perioden och detta innebar nya utmaningar för politiker på alla plan.  Den tredje industriella revolutionen gav utökade möjligheter men den innebar också att många tidigare svenska industrijobb försvann eller flyttade annanstans. Det var även en brytpunkt politiskt, 1976 fick Sverige sin första icke socialdemokratiska regering på flera decennier och början av Socialdemokraternas nedgång har av flera daterats till just 1970-talet. Socialdemokraterna förlorade även makten på kommunal nivå i flera delar av landet, till exempel i Nyköping där de tidigare haft en egen majoritet i kommunen innan 1976. I grannkommunen Oxelösund å andra sidan behöll Socialdemokraterna makten.  Både Nyköping och Oxelösund är små, sörmländska kommuner som historiskt präglats av industri, industri som i stor utsträckning började försvinna under perioden. Varför var det så då att de fick två så olika utfall? Var det slump eller kan vi hitta anledningar i kommunernas olika förutsättningar och Socialdemokraternas agerande i respektive kommun?

Den här uppsatsen handlar om de berättelser och bilder som förekommer i kampanjen Bo i Nyköping på hemsidan boinykoping.nu under kampanjperioderna 2011 – 2012. Syftet är att undersöka hur kommunen och Nyköpingsborna framställs i kampanjtexterna och de tillhörande bilderna. De metoder som tillämpas är en ideationell och interpersonell analys, en attitydanalys genom appraisal samt en visuell analys av bildernas ideationella och interpersonella grammatik. Resultatet visar att Nyköpingsborna framställs som handlingskraftiga och kommunen som informativ och vetandes. Relationen mellan dem framställs som dialogisk. Syftet är dessutom att undersöka de identiteter som kampanjen erbjuder läsaren. Detta utifrån resultatet av den språkliga analysen och genom begreppet modelläsare. Berättelser och bilder erbjuder en trygg uppväxtmiljö och ekonomisk trygghet till läsaren. Den dialogiska relationen presupponerar att det finns en god relation mellan kommunen och invånarna. / This bachelor's essay is about the stories and images that appear in the campaign Bo i Nyköping on the website boinykoping.nu during the campaign period 2011-2012. The aim is to examine how the municipality and citizens that appear in the campaign are described in the campaign texts and associated images. The methods applied in the linguistic analysis are an ideational and an interpersonal analysis, an attitude analysis within the method appraisal and a visual analysis of the ideational and interpersonal grammar of images. The results show that the citizens are described as active and the municipality as informative and knowing. The relationship between them is presented as dialogical. The aim is also to investigate the identities that the campaign offers the reader. This is based on the results of the linguistic analysis and the concept of the model reader. The campaign stories and the images provide a safe environment to grow up in and an economic security to the reader. The dialogic relationship that appears in the campaign between the municipality and the citizens show a presumptive good relationship between them.

Ostlänken, Sweden's first high-speed railway is to be completed in 2027. Nyköping is located right in between the two end destinations. The initiative aims to link the regional economies and reduces the travel time to Stockholm from todays’ one hour to 40 minutes. Today we are getting fed the  word "resecentrum" that more or less equals adding a vast amount of shopping facilities to the station building. The often mall-like environments focuses on commerce, targeting travelers with money, who in reality may not spend as much time in the station as calculated. In a fairly small town like Nyköping, it would be risky to propose a station with a shopping mall, which risks to outcompete the well-functioning and vibrant city center. My proposal for a new bus- and train station in Nyköping will instead target those who actually spend some time there - the young people! Many students actually live outside the city but go to school there. They also use public transport and the municipality pay their bus card. With that said, many young people will be using Nyköpings' new station on a daily basis. I have sought a robust, tolerant feeling throughout the proposal, as it subsides well with the environments associated with bus and train stations. Graffiti, parkour and skateboarding cultures has long taken these areas in use. If not that kind of cultural expressions are allocated a place in the city, it will most likely be exercised there anyway. A graffiti wall in my station is therefore so obvious that it has got a prominent position. / Ostlänken, Sveriges första höghastighetsjärnväg ska vara färdig år 2027. Nyköping ligger placerad precis mitt emellan de två slutstationerna på sträckningen. Satsningen syftar till att knyta samman arbetsmarknaderna i regionen och reducerar restiden till Stockholm från dagens 1h ner till 40 minuter.   Idag är vi vana vid begreppet resecentrum som med stort utbud av service i anslutning till tågplattformar ska kunna tillgodose resenärernas behov i samband med deras resa. De ofta gallerialiknande miljöerna riktar in sig på resenärer med pengar i plånboken men som i realiteten kanske inte spenderar så mycket tid på platsen. I en stad av Nyköpings storlek vore det också riskabelt att föreslå en station med en galleria då det riskerar att konkurrera ut den väl fungerande och levande centrumhandeln. Mitt förslag går ut på att göra Nyköpings centralstation till en plats för i första hand de som faktiskt vistas där allra mest – ungdomarna! Många skolungdomar bor utanför Nyköping men går i skolan i staden. De åker också kollektivtrafik och kommunen bekostar busskortet. Därmed kommer många ungdomar att vistas vid Nyköpings nya station dagligen. Jag har strävat efter en oöm, tillåtande känsla i förslaget, då det klingar väl med verksaheten jag föreslår. Graffiti, parkour och skatekulturen har länge tagit stationen i anspråk. Om inte den typen av kulturyttringar tillåts en plats i staden, kommer den med största sannolikhet att utövas där ändå. En grafittivägg i min station är därför så självklart att den får en framträdande roll.

This thesis examines the use of various osseous raw materials in craft activities in the Mälaren region during the Middle Ages. Places studied are: Birka, Sigtuna, Nyköping, Strängnäs and Uppsala. The aim is to capture both chronological and spatial changes in the use of osseous raw materials. Species and materials used reflect regional as well as international networks and how they change during time. The spatial distribution of waste from craft activities, its materiality and temporality mirror activities in different social contexts.  Quantitative and qualitative changes in the handling and exploitation of raw materials reflect varying and changing views of its value and how craft and exchange is affected by both a social and economic agency. In Birka, osseous waste material associated with craft was collected by Hjalmar Stolpe in the 1870s. An examination of the assemblage shows that imported material comprises a significant part of the collection. About a third of the waste consists of imported antler of red deer and reindeer. Red deer is particularly abundant (21%), signifying the importance of southern trading networks. The presence of whalebone can also be linked to south-western trading routes. The waste material collected during excavations in Sigtuna and representing the period c. 980-1300 has a different composition, reflecting different networks and perhaps different means of trade and production. As in Birka, elk antler constitutes the main bulk of the raw material used. Red deer antler is extremely limited, forming less than 1% of the material, appearing continuously though in small amounts from c. 1020-1300.  Reindeer antler is distinctly present in the oldest phase, c. 980-1000. This occurrence might represent a relic of the northern network manifested at Birka. An isotopic study indicates an origin in a forested biotope. After this initial phase the use of reindeer antler becomes as rare as that of red deer until the second half of the 12th century, indicating that the antler craft operated on a minor scale without any demand for long-distance trade in raw materials. A change occurs in the last quarter of the 12th century when large quantities of reindeer antler appear once more. Isotope signatures indicate an origin in more mountainous regions. This coincides with the introduction of another traded raw material of an arctic origin: walrus tusk. The craft had become more marked oriented. This is manifested in larger deposits of debris, a wider range of materials used, including bones from various domestic animals, but also the handling and exploitation of the material changes indicating a different view of production, trade and the value of raw materials than previous. This shift coincides with the introduction of minted silver. Western influences are evident both in the material culture and in the faunal assemblage. It is likely that a majority of the reindeer antler as well as the walrus tusk present in these later phases have a Norwegian origin. In the late 1100s and early 1200s craft in osseous material occur in other towns that emerge in the region but it seems to appear in new social contexts. Small assemblages of antler debris have been found in Uppsala, but the activities they represent lack the spatial continuity that exist in contemporary environments in Sigtuna and Strängnäs, indicating short lived occasional activities in a loosely regulated urban environment. Craft activities dependent purely on bone from domestic animals appear in the 1200s in Nyköping, Uppsala and Strängnäs. They represent craft activities in a new social context outside the private sphere of the local elite and instead subordinated other craft activities where domestic animals have been exploited on a large scale beyond the domestic household. Antler craft represents a social practise in the realms of the local elite with a continuity stretching back to the Iron Age. Monetization and an increasingly feudal society redefine social relations and practise. This can be seen in the occurrence of craft in new contexts in the late 1100s and 1200s, reflecting heterogeneity in social and economic functions in and between the towns in the region.

The Building is a combination of a green house and multi familyhousing building. The building´s courtyard is transformed in to a winter garden and creates an climate controlled environment with exotic vegitation blooming all year around. The courtyard is working as an extra livingroom with nice public walks in different levels were people can relax, exercise and socialise. The heat generated from the winter garden can be reused and recycled in to the floor slabs. It can also be deposited into the ground under the garden creating a climate smart heating system. One important aspect when drawing the plans was to give all the apartments a private space inside the wintergarden. I created plans where the allocation of the garden is equal. the private space is located on the second floor in the duplex apartments but some apartments only consist of one level and some extra care went in to making a private space for them too. The winter garden not only allows people to watch the trees and plants it also gives them the possibility to grow there own food on the private balcony and  just outside the kitchen window. Having plants outside the kitchen blocks the view from people passing by on the public promenade. / Byggnaden är en kombination av ett växthus och ett flerbostadshus. Byggnadens innergår har ett glastak som som möjliggör ett controllerat climat med växter som blommar året runt. innergården fungerar som ett extra vardagsrum med trevliga promenader i olika nivåer där människor kan träna, socialisera eller bara slapna av och njuta naturen. Värmen som genereras av den inglasade gården kan återanvändas och pupmas in i bjälklagen och marken under gården vilket skapar ett klimatsmart uppvärmningssystem.  en viktig aspekt när jag ritade planerna var att ge alla lägenheter ett privat rum inne i gården. Jag skapade planer där anspråket av gården var så lika som möjligt. Det privata rummet är placerat på övervåningen i etage lägenheterna men några lägenheter har bara ett plan vilket ledde till några special lösningar för att skapa ett avgränsat rum för dem också. Den ingalsade gården erbjuder inte bara en vacker miljö med växter och träd, det finns även möjlighet att odla sia egna frukter och grönsaker på den privata balkongen samt utanför köksfönstret. Planteringen av högre växter utanför fönstret kan skydda insynen från grannar som går förbi på den publika prommenaden.