The scope and purpose of this thesis is an evaluation of Camus' literary and philosophical works and their implication to the concept of political revolt. His examination of the origins and effects of modern political revolutions provided insight to the nature of the twentieth century totalitarianism. His ideas also helped to explain the modern emergence of "irrational" terror and political oppression.

Para filmar o último filme de sua vida, Stanley Kubrick baseou-se na novela de Arthur Schnitzler, \"Breve romance de sonho\" (1926), fato que já requer atenção: como filmar em 2000 um filme baseado em um livro escrito no final do século XIX? Como mostrar as questões de uma classe social tão marcante, naquela época em transformação e consolidação, agora no século XXI ? Kubrick definiu o livro como sendo o romance sobre o medo. Uma questão é tentar responder a qual medo ele se referia? O tema da sexualidade forte no romance e no filme e a relação clara entre Schnitzler e Freud fazem pensar na relação que hoje temos com a sexualidade e podem servir como chaves para algumas respostas. A questão de figuração e opressão são fundamentais neste trabalho. / To film the last film of his career, Stanley Kubrick was based on the novel of Arthur Schnitzler, \"Traumnovelle\" (1926), fact that already requires attention: how to film in the year 2000 a film based on a book written in the end of 19th century? How to express the problems of a social class from a period in transformation and consolidation in the 20th century? Kubrick defined the book as being a romance on fear. An objective can be defining the fear that is mentioned. A present subject in the romance and the film is sexuality and a clear relation between Schnitzler and Freud. The problem of oppression is basic in this paper.

White Gilt This exhibition is a dissection of American masculinity and institutional oppression. The systematic mistreatment of people within certain social identity groups is supported and perpetuated by society. My work is a personal investigation of this flawed system, my place therein and its ramifications. The fragility of masculinity provokes immeasurable violence. Whiteness can be stereotyped as a toggle switch between bland culture, and self-entitled bigotry. These works are a confrontation with the dark parts of the human psyche, and the fears surrounding vulnerability, power and sexuality. Through discomfort we can deepen empathy and cultivate progress. Daniel Schmidt

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This thesis focuses on the concept of cultural national identity during the Third Reich and how the Nazis attempted to shape an image of Germany to their liking. By specifically examining musical culture and restrictions, this thesis investigates the methods the Nazis used to define Germany through music by determining what aspects of Germany’s culture were not “traditionally” German—namely those of the Jewish minority in Germany. Therefore, this study follows the Nazi restrictions on the German population who participated in the creation and performance of music and is then contrasted with those imposed upon the corresponding Jewish population. The resulting conclusion is that the Nazis created a place for exclusion and oppression, but managed to, ironically, create a place of refuge for Jewish musicians in the Third Reich. Music was, in the end, an unstoppable force which the Nazis could not control or fully regulate.

This project explores the connections between the worlds we hope for and the worlds we help create. Over the course of several months, I conducted three sets of narrative interviews with three anti-oppression education facilitators, and a self-study with myself. Using narrative inquiry through a specifically anti-colonial lens as my method of analysis, I worked in partnership with my interview participants to draw meaning out of our interviews. Growing from these discussions, this thesis explores the work that discourses of hope do in our practices as facilitators of education for change. How do the things that we learn to hope for inform the way we teach, and the possibilities that are allowed in, or locked out, of our classrooms? In problematizing certain functions of certain discourses of hope, this study also explores the possibilities of anti-colonial hopings as a process of generating decolonizing dreams through education for change.

This project explores the connections between the worlds we hope for and the worlds we help create. Over the course of several months, I conducted three sets of narrative interviews with three anti-oppression education facilitators, and a self-study with myself. Using narrative inquiry through a specifically anti-colonial lens as my method of analysis, I worked in partnership with my interview participants to draw meaning out of our interviews. Growing from these discussions, this thesis explores the work that discourses of hope do in our practices as facilitators of education for change. How do the things that we learn to hope for inform the way we teach, and the possibilities that are allowed in, or locked out, of our classrooms? In problematizing certain functions of certain discourses of hope, this study also explores the possibilities of anti-colonial hopings as a process of generating decolonizing dreams through education for change.

Although feminists resist accounts that define women as having certain features that are essential to their being women, feminists are also guilty of giving essentialist definitions. Because women are extremely diverse in their experiences, the essentialist critics question whether a universal (non-essentialist) account of women can be given. I argue that it is possible to formulate a valuable category of woman, despite potential essentialist challenges. Even with diversity among women, women are oppressed as women by patriarchal structures such as rape, pornography, and sexual harassment that regulate women’s sexuality and construct women as beings whose main role is to service men’s sexual needs.

L'humour intrigue les philosophes depuis des siècles. Les questions existentielles riment très bien avec toute la liberté et l'inventivité intellectuelle propre aux différentes façons de provoquer le rire. Curieusement, il ne s'agit pas d'un sujet de prédilection pour les politologues même si l'humour, par les nombreux référents sociaux qui l'alimentent, peut être un outil de domination ou d'émancipation. Mais à l'heure où le rire devient une marchandise et un bien de consommation au même titre qu'un produit en conserve, certaines personnes jugent que l'humour a perdu toute substance politique. Nous serions désormais pris dans ce que Gilles Lipovetsky nomme la « société humoristique ». Devant ces propos qui annoncent la désubstantialisation définitive du rire, il est urgent de penser comment et en quels endroits l'humour peut encore avoir une valeur politique. Deux types d'humour, entre autres, nous permettent cette sortie : l'humour policier et l'humour anarchisant. Le premier accompagne les schèmes de la domination systémique, intergroupale et interpersonnelle. Il a pour principale fonction de maintenir les hiérarchies et de figer les identités des groupes dominés. Le deuxième est directement lié à l'émancipation. Il marque un refus des classifications sociales imposées par le sens commun et permet de se libérer momentanément des mains de l'oppression. Si l'humour policier prend très au sérieux le maintien des inégalités, l'humour anarchisant en fait de même avec la liberté et l'égalité. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Humour, rire, domination, émancipation, anarchisme, féminisme, antiféminisme, police, subversion.

In this thesis, I demonstrate how the numerous forms of oppression are grounded in a hierarchical and binary thinking that permeates racism and sexism and that is present throughout the feminist movement. It is this biased thinking that creates further divide among diverse social groups resulting in a foundation for justifying oppressive practices. I argue that the human rights framework is the best by which to defeat this problematic thinking, fostering a collectivity among disparate people and establishing a more appropriate footing upon which to face the problems of feminism. In the end, I claim that there must be a global commitment to end oppression that begins with educating people as to the unjustified harm created by biased and binary thinking and to the effectiveness of a human rights approach in eliminating any validation of oppression.