G.W.L. Marshall-Hall began work as first Ormond Professor of Music at Melbourne University in 1891. In July and August 1898 he published a book of poems and gave a public address, which, together, led to demands for his dismissal. The outcry against him came largely from a section of the community which Matthew Arnold, some thirty years earlier in England, had identified as Hebraic. The radical contrast between, on the one hand, the underlying assumptions of this group, particularly its epistemology and axiology and, on the other, the Hellenic, Existentialist axioms that informed Marshall-Hall’s thinking, created a situation which was structurally conducive to the hostile outbreak of collective action that occurred. This structural conductiveness was reinforced by a number of elements of strain - a belief in the debased character of the times; a pervasive Manicheanism; various misunderstandings in regard to Marshall-Hall’s views, deriving from the unsystematic and frequently allegorical manner of their exposition; and contemporary perceptions of his role as a university teacher, and of the tone in which his outbursts were couched (itself the outcome of a blend of conscious beliefs and unconscious motivation). (For complete abstract open document)

This thesis is a detailed examination of the films of Swansea-born poet and BBC Wales documentary filmmaker John Ormond. It examines the uses of the documentary form within the context of a broadcasting institution that many have argued has been one of the central agents in the political and cultural development of this small nation. Given that the thesis is concerned with the work a decidedly creative figure, it seeks throughout to keep in focus Ormond's unique contribution to the documentary form. It begins with an interpretation of Ormond's broad cultural and philosophical framework as embodied in his poetry, and from here goes on to explore the ways in which this thinking impacted upon his approach to film as a medium and, particularly, the documentary as a cultural form. It positions Ormond's approach to documentary within the tradition of the Griersonian 'British Documentary Movement', in particular its post-war manifestations on British television as pioneered by producers such as Denis Mitchell, Norman Swallow and Philip Donnellan. Indeed, the thesis is, in part, an attempt to align Ormond's work with these better-known figures in British television history. The major aim of the thesis, however, is to explore the uses of this peculiarly civic cultural form within a minority national broadcasting context. To this end, it utilizes Jurgen Habermas's notion of the 'public sphere' as a lens through which to examine the ways in which Ormond's wide-ranging oeuvre interacted with and impacted upon a Welsh public sphere at a time of unprecedented political, economic, social, and cultural change. It distinguishes three broad areas of thematic concern - "culture", "historiography" and the "ethnographic" - and examines the ways in which Ormond's films reflect and contribute to a wide and shifting range of national discourses in this pivotal era in the history of Wales.

On June 19, 1647 Ireland's Lord Lieutenant, the Marquis of Ormond, unconditionally surrendered the city of Dublin to the parliament of England. Ormond's biographer, Thomas Carte, records that in January of this year the marquis received a private dispatch clearly indicating Charles I’s pleasure -- if it were impossible to hold Dublin and the other royalist garrisons in his name they were to be surrendered to the English rather than the Irish. The loss of the major royalist stronghold in Ireland proved, in effect, to be the turning point of the war in that kingdom; its loss has given Ormond’s political character its most ugly stain. In the opinion of his unsympathetic contemporaries, Ormond had traitorously betrayed Ireland; he surrendered Dublin to the parliamentarians in overt opposition to the king’s wish that he ally with the Confederate Irish. The fact, however, remains; Dublin could not be held for the king. Ormond choose what he considered the lesser of two evils. James Butler, created Duke of Ormond by Charles II in 1661, was born in Clerkenwell England in 1610. His parents were Catholics, but upon the death of his father in 1619 he became a ward of the courts. His education, therefore, was thoroughly Protestant; never in his adult life did Ormond deviate from his constancy to the Protestant English interest in Ireland. He was Irish by descent, but he claimed to be English by birth, extraction, and choice. Though he was considered to be the “terror of the Irish” by the Celtic population the Anglo-Irish hailed the Lord Lieutenant as the “Great Ormond” and “the jewel of the kingdom;” he was the flower of his age and the Butler family. Ormond, although unsympathetic to Irish Catholicism, was one of the most competent governors in over seven hundred years of English rule in Ireland. It was the lung's cause for which he labored; the interests of Catholic Ireland were of secondary importance. This study is intended neither to exonerate nor excoriate James Butler; it is an attempt to give proper perspective to the role he played as a staunch royalist in that decisive period of Irish history between the rebellion of 1641 and the Cromwellian conquest. Thomas Carte's biography of Ormond served as an invaluable source for information on Ormond's role in Irish affairs 1641-1650 and for an account of the Protestant and royalist aide of the war. The letters and papers contained in the last two volumes provide all the necessary materials for an account of Ormond's role in public affairs. Carte's references to his subject's personal life were derived from consulting with the Bishop of Worcester who spent several years with Ormond's family, and from a manuscript written by Sir Robert Southwell. A second authority for an account of Ormond's role in the royalist struggle in Ireland is the H. M. C. Ormonde MSS Volumes 1 and 2 New Series, containing Ormond's correspondence relating to Ireland from 1641-1650 and the letters of the Irish Lords Justices, were particularly pertinent to this study. An Aphorismical Discovery of Treasonable Faction and Richard Belling's History of the Irish Confederation and the war in Ireland, the primary sources dealing with Catholic Ireland's stand in the Irish war, were unavailable for examination. It was therefore necessary to rely upon the scholarship of Thomas L. Coonan and his book Irish Catholic Confederacy and the Puritan Revolution. Coonan expresses nothing but disdain for the Marquis of Ormond, but his comprehensive history of the Irish Confederacy provided a valuable source of materials untouched by Carte.

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After a long struggle, the State of Mississippi founded and funded the Industrial Institute and College in 1884. The school, located in Columbus, Mississippi, was the first state-supported institution of higher education for women in the United States, and it quickly became a model for similar schools in many other states. The Industrial Institute and College was distinguished from other women’s colleges in the nineteenth century by the fact that its graduates were expected to be fully prepared to support themselves. This curriculum required students to complete coursework in both liberal arts and vocational training. There was much conflict and controversy between factions that wanted the school to focus exclusively on either vocational training or liberal studies. Pauline Van de Graaf Orr served as Mistress of English from 1884-1913. Under her leadership, the Department of English set a high standard for its students. While there was considerable attrition among the students, many of whom were as young as fifteen and most of whom had no adequate secondary preparation, the Industrial Institute and College also graduated students, such as Blanche Colton Williams and Rosa Peebles, who went on to distinguished academic careers. Frances Ormond Jones Gaither was the best fiction writer the school graduated. After finding some success as a writer of children’s books in the 1930s, Gaither wrote a trilogy of novels about the Old South in the 1940s. Follow the Drinking Gourd (1941) follows the establishment and development of the Hurricane Plantation in Alabama. The Red Cock Crows (1944) addresses the then-unexplored topic of a slave revolt in antebellum Mississippi. In Double Muscadine (1949), a best-seller, Gaither explores the causes and consequences of miscegenation.

This thesis represents an important investigation into the much-neglected period of exile endured by many Royalists as a consequence of the violence and alienation of the Wars of the Three Kingdoms (1639-1651).Drawing from extensive archival research conducted in Britain, Ireland and Europe, this study expands upon existing literature on royalism, British and Irish interaction with Continental Europe and seventeenth-century mentalities more generally in order to illumine the unique issues faced by these exiles. Central to this study are the roles and experiences of the Irish element within Charles II’s exiled court. Recent studies focussed upon the place of Ireland within Europe and the North Atlantic are employed to assess such issues as confessional division, court culture, the impact of memory and the influence of conflicting European ideas upon the survival of the exiles and the course of the restoration cause. A thematic, rather than chronological structure is employed in order to develop these interpretations, allowing for an approach which emphasizes the place of individuals in relation to broader Royalist mentalities. Dominant figures include Murrough O’Brien, Lord Inchiquin (c. 1614-1674), Theobald, Lord Taaffe (d. 1677), John Bramhall (1594-1663), Church of Ireland bishop of Derry, Daniel O’Neill (c. 1612-1664), Father Peter Talbot (SJ) (c. 1618/20 – 1680) and James Butler, marquis of Ormond (1610-1688). Through investigation of Irish strands of royalism and the wider issues in which they were set in the course of civil war and exile, this thesis makes a powerful argument for the need to consider seventeenth-century ideas of allegiance and identity not only within a ‘Three Kingdoms’ approach, but Europe more generally. It also makes a compelling case for the centrality of Irish Royalists in the formation and implementation of policy during the exile period through their familiarity with and access to European centres of power and influence.