No description available.

Cancel culture is a phenomenon that has grown out of today's digitalization. It could be described as a practice to counteract injustices in society by withdrawing support for, often, a public figure or company that has expressed or behaved unacceptably according to the majority of people. In recent years, cancel culture has been a recurring term when socio-political questions engage a larger group of citizens and most of them on social media find it socially unacceptable. However, is it possible that cancel culture is used in the same way on peers as on public figures? The purpose of this research study is to build an understanding of how Swedish young university students reason around cancel culture, as well as how their attitude may alter when it comes to public figures and peers, while also diving deeper into the internet phenomenon's significance on individuals' self-disclosure online.  The three following research questions were used:RQ1: How do Swedish young university students reason around canceling public figures? RQ2: How do Swedish young university students reason around canceling peers?RQ3: How does “Cancel Culture” influence an individual’s level of self-disclosure on social media?  In this study, an inductive and empirical approach through Grounded Theory was used, which is a qualitative method that enables you to study a particular phenomenon and discover new theories that are based on the collection and analysis of real-world data. One focus group with five participants was held to gain an understanding of participants' perceptions of the phenomenon and to find patterns in similarities and differences. Further, a total of six semi-structured interviews were held to gain deeper insight into how people think, reason, and feel about cancel culture. The data were first open-coded into 34 labels and later combined into six categories to be further analyzed. The conclusion of this study is that Swedish young university students have a nuanced mindset when it comes to cancel culture and that they do not necessarily use cancel culture online to influence. Instead, they talk to their closer circle because they suppose that they have a greater chance of making a difference in situations when they can motivate their opinions in real life. This reveals that those who represent the target group in our study have a low level of self-disclosure.

Being socially excluded seriously threatens individuals’ need to belong and emotional well-being. This article investigates to what extent different coping strategies help overcome these detrimental effects: thinking about real-life friends/enemies (i.e., orthosocial relationships, OSRs) and thinking about (dis)liked media characters (i.e., parasocial relationships, PSRs). Across three experiments (NPilot = 129, NStudy1 = 132, NStudy2 = 855), we first induced social exclusion using a virtual ball-tossing game. Afterward, we manipulated different relationship types and valences and compared them to non- or less-relational control conditions. As hypothesized, belongingness and emotional well-being increased from pre- to post-coping. This effect was fully mediated by perceived relationship closeness to the respective person(a). Highlighting that PSRs represent more than surrogates (i.e., secondary replacements of OSR), both relationship types did not differ in coping effectiveness. Moreover, positive relationships were more effective in fulfilling both coping goals than negative ones.

This study analyses how abusive treatment is handled in three novels for adolescents, Färglös, Näthat blues, and Fjärde riket, in order to reveal how these novels can be used as a basis for discussions of values in the teaching of Swedish in upper secondaryschool. The three novels were chosen because statistics showed that they were the most frequently borrowed books for young people under the subject heading bullying at a library in southern Sweden. The analysis shows that there are different forms of abusive treatment in the three books. Färglös describes abusive treatment against a social category, where the members of the vulnerable group are forced to protect themselves and each other as a group. Näthat blues is about net bullying, sexual harassment, and gender-related bullying against a specific individual, while Fjärde riket shows how abuse can be used as a strategy to achieve a higher power position. The latter book tells the story from the point of view of both the victim and the perpetrators. The conclusionis that the three novels, in different ways, invite changes of perspective and can function well as a basis for discussions about abuse using fictitious characters.

Adolescent depression is a major public health problem, which is associated with educational problems, long-term psychiatric illness and suicide. One major source of stress during adolescence is peer rejection. In this thesis, I investigate the nature of the relationship between peer rejection and adolescent depression. In a review of longitudinal and experimental studies, I describe a bi-directional relationship between peer rejection and depressive symptoms. I then outline how genetic, cognitive and neural vulnerability may modify the effects of peer rejection on adolescent depression. Finally, I introduce five empirical chapters which test these hypotheses using different methodological approaches. The first study is a molecular genetic analysis of a sample of adolescents with and without a diagnosis of mood disorder. I report an interaction between diagnostic group, environmental stress (though not peer rejection specifically) and 5HTTLPR genotype on symptoms of anxiety, which supports the role of genetic factors in modifying the relationship between environmental stress and adolescent mood disorder. The second study is a behavioural study of negative attention biases in a typically developing sample of adolescents. I report a negative attention bias in adolescents with low (versus high) self-esteem. Although the data do not support a causal role for attention biases in adolescent depression, such biased cognitions could also moderate responses to peer rejection, maintaining affective symptoms. A final set of three fMRI datasets investigates how neural circuitry may influence depressed adolescents’ responses to peer rejection at three distinct stages: i) expectation of peer feedback, ii) the receipt of peer rejection, iii) emotion regulation of peer rejection. Data show distinct behavioural and neural differences between depressed patients and healthy controls during expectation and reappraisal of peer rejection, although heightened emotional reactivity immediately following the receipt of peer rejection did not differentiate behavioural or neural responses in adolescents with and without depression.

Ce projet porte sur l'étude et la prévention du phénomène de l'agression indirecte. Nous souhaitons développer un outil de mesure de ce phénomène et proposer un outil de prévention adapté au milieu scolaire français. Les études pour mesurer uniquement cette forme d'agression et ses conséquences sont presque inexistantes en France et sont encore rares au niveau mondial (Taki et al., 2008). Cette étude vise à combler le manque d'enquêtes et de programmes de prévention de l'agression indirecte (Verlaan, 2011). Nous souhaitons réaliser une première mesure scientifique portant uniquement sur l'agression indirecte pour mieux connaître l'importance de cette forme d'agression et comprendre l'impact d'un programme de prévention (la Trousse de Prévention de l'Agression Indirecte) auprès d'élèves de 6ème en France. Notre question vise donc à mieux comprendre : comment mesurer un phénomène complexe, subtil et qui ne se voit pas ; comment se combinent et se répètent les expositions les plus fréquentes (des témoins, des victimes ou des agresseurs) ; et enfin, comment une action de prévention permet d'améliorer le climat scolaire dans les collèges en France. Notre hypothèse, s'inspirant de notre expérience clinique, devrait nous aider à répondre à notre question de recherche : les enfants exposés à cette forme d'agression (comme victime, agresseur ou témoin) de manière répétée perçoivent négativement le climat scolaire. Nous avons interrogé 191 élèves de 6e, soit l'ensemble des huit classes d'un collège en France : 99 garçons (52.7%) et 89 filles (47.3%). La méthodologie utilisée est celle de l'enquête sur la victimation, sur le climat scolaire et sur la fréquence d'exposition. Nous avons développé un questionnaire original portant uniquement sur l'agression indirecte. Nous nous sommes inspirés des questionnaires sur le climat scolaire (Debarbieux, 2011), d'auto-évaluation (Verlaan, 2007), des motifs d'agressions indirectes (Owens, Shute & Slee, 2000) et du questionnaire de l'estime de soi (Rosenberg, 1979). Pour l'expérimentation, nous avons utilisé la méthodologie de l'accompagnement réflexif et de l'observation non participante avec des enseignantes volontaires. Nous avons adapté la Trousse de prévention à la culture française et l'avons expérimentée avec deux classes de 6e de ce collège (soit 48 enfants). Comme pour les formes les plus violentes d'agressions (Janosz et al., 2012), les résultats de notre enquête montrent que plus les enfants sont exposés à l'agression indirecte (comme témoin, victime ou agresseur) plus ils perçoivent négativement le climat scolaire. Il résulte notamment de notre enquête que 87,3% des élèves sont exposés directement à l'agression indirecte, comme témoins. Notre recherche montre donc que l'agression indirecte est un facteur de risque pouvant augmenter les problèmes de santé mentale des enfants / This project focuses on the study and prevention of the phenomenon of indirect aggression. We wish to develop a tool to measure this phenomenon and propose a prevention tool adapted to the French school environment. Studies to measure only this form of aggression and its consequences are almost non-existent in France and are still rare at the global level (Taki et al., 2008). This study aims to address the lack of surveys and programs to prevent indirect aggression (Verlaan, 2011). We wish to carry out a first scientific measure dealing only with indirect aggression to better understand the importance of this form of aggression and to understand the impact of a prevention program (the Indirect Aggression Prevention Kit) with 6th grade students in France. Our question aims to better understand: how to measure a complex phenomenon, subtle and not seen; how the most frequent exposures (witnesses, victims or perpetrators) are combined and repeated; and finally, how preventive action can improve the school climate in French colleges. Our hypothesis, inspired by our clinical experience, should help us answer our research question: children exposed to this form of aggression (as victim, aggressor or witness) repeatedly perceive the school climate negatively. We interviewed 191 sixth grade students, in all eight classes of a college in France: 99 boys (52.7%) and 89 girls (47.3%). The methodology used is that of the survey on victimization, the school climate and the frequency of exposure. We have developed an original questionnaire dealing only with indirect aggression. We used the questionnaires on the school climate (Debarbieux, 2011), self-evaluation (Verlaan, 2007), motives for indirect aggression (Owens, Shute & Slee, 2000) and the self-esteem questionnaire (Rosenberg, 1979). For experimentation, we used the methodology of reflexive support and non-participant observation with volunteer teachers. We adapted the Prevention Kit to French culture and experimented with two grade 6 classes at this college (48 children). As with the most violent forms of assault (Janosz, 2012), the results of our survey show that the more children are exposed to indirect aggression (as a witness, victim or abuser) the more they perceive the school climate negatively. In particular, our survey shows that 87.3% of students are directly exposed to indirect aggression as witnesses. Our research shows that indirect aggression is a risk factor that can increase children’s mental health problems

過往研究指出當個體受到社會排斥威脅後，可能產生兩種相反的行為，一者是具攻擊性的行為，而另一者則是希冀與其他人連結之親和傾向。本研究提出社會排斥之兩階段模式，認為當個體受到排斥威脅時，會同時有兩種不同的行為反應，一個是『避免傷害』，當此反應被激發時，被排斥個體會展現出『戰或逃』的行為傾向；而另一個反應則為『尋求歸屬』，在此反應被激發時，被排斥個體則會展現出『親近與示好』的行為傾向。而個體會出現何種反應，端視其之後互動的對象本身的屬性而定。若後續互動對象與先前排斥者間具有高相似性，此拒絕相似線索會引發個體展現出較高的戰或逃行為。相對的，若是後續互動對象所具有的特性與其自身之特性具有高相似性，亦即具有接納相似線索時，個體則會出現較多的示好行為。而這種隨著後續屬性，個體會出現不同反應歷程的假設在已完成的四個實驗中獲得初步的驗證。 實驗一（83名實驗參與者）採取2 (社會排斥：有、無) × 5 (類別相似線索：高拒絕線索vs.中拒絕線索 vs.高接納線索 vs.中接納線索 vs. 中性線索)之混合設計，結果發現受社會排斥威脅者會有較高意願加入帶有高可能接受線索之團體、較不願意加入帶有高拒絕線索之團體。實驗二（47名實驗參與者）採取閾下觸發來操弄社會排斥威脅，顯示社會排斥的確會讓人加速處理那些與拒絕者與可能接受者相關之訊息。而實驗三（74名實驗參與者）重複驗證了實驗一之發現，並且發現受社會排斥威脅之參與者在反應時間上會較快決定拒絕帶有高拒絕線索之團體，也會較快決定加入帶有高接納線索的團體（兩者皆對比於對中性線索團體之決策反應時間）。 實驗四（75名實驗參與者）則採取2 (社會排斥：有、無) × 2 (認知負荷：高、低) × 3 (類別相似線索：高拒絕線索vs.高接納線索vs. 中性線索)之混合設計，並發現當被社會排斥者處於高認知負荷狀態時，他們雖然還是能使用拒絕線索來選擇團體，但卻不會使用接受線索，顯示拒絕相似性線索為較為優先之線索。 實驗五A（67名實驗參與者）則採取2 (社會排斥：有、無) × 2 (性格回饋：有、無) × 4 (類別相似線索：拒絕線索對象vs.接納線索對象vs. 中性線索對象vs.原拒絕者)之混合設計，並發現當被給予性格回饋之後，受社會排斥威脅者會對於帶有接納線索的對象有較高的評價。而實驗五B（31名實驗參與者）採取2 (社會排斥：有、無) × 4 (類別相似線索：拒絕線索對象vs.接納線索對象vs. 中性線索對象vs.原拒絕者)之混合設計，發現受到社會排斥威脅者會對於帶有拒絕線索的對象及原拒絕者都會有較低的評價。 而實驗六與七則認為當個體對於相似性線索的認知被去、再類別化作業改變時，個體的反應也應隨之改變。實驗六採取（51名實驗參與者）則採取3 (社會排斥組別：社會排斥一般作業組、社會排斥再類別化組、控制組) × 4 (類別相似線索：拒絕線索對象vs.接納線索對象vs. 中性線索對象vs.原拒絕者)之混合設計，並發現當受到社會排斥者完成再類別化作業後，比起完成一般作業的參與者，他們對於原先帶有拒絕線索對象的評價會提升，而他們亦會提升對於原拒絕者的評價，顯示再類別化作業可以讓受威脅者感知到互動對象跟自己可以共屬另一個有意義之團體、自己與互動對象是相連結的，因而提升對這些對象之評價。 實驗七採取（46名實驗參與者）則採取3 (社會排斥組別：社會排斥一般作業組、社會排斥去類別化組、控制組) × 4 (類別相似線索：拒絕線索對象vs.接納線索對象vs. 中性線索對象vs.原拒絕者)之混合設計，並發現去類別化作業可以削弱類別相似性線索，因此使得受排斥者降低對原先帶有接納線索之對象的評價，亦會提升原先帶有拒絕線索對象之評價。換言之，由於去類別化作用會降低被威脅個體與互動對象的連結感，亦即他們對於互動對象與自己的相似性知覺會降低，個體因而降低對此類對象之評價；另一方面，去類別化作用也會降低帶有拒絕線索對象以及原拒絕者的相似性知覺，因而提升對於此類對象之評價。 綜合以上所述，本研究以一系列之研究來檢驗：個體受到社會排斥後，後續互動對象身上之類別相似性線索如何影響受威脅者之反應傾向。實驗一至五發現，當個體被社會排斥之後，他們對於那些帶有拒絕線索的個體會展現出戰或逃的行為傾向，並對帶有接納線索的個體展現親近與示好之行為，而拒絕相似性線索較為優先。而實驗六及七分別使用『再類別化』及『去類別化』兩種作業來改變類別相似性線索，來改變受社會排斥威脅者對於接納線索的知覺使其後續行為隨之改變。 / Previous research shows that social exclusion may cause either fight-or-flight behavior toward innocent people or a substantial increase in affiliation behavior. A two-stage model is proposed to explain people’s reactions after experiencing social exclusion. For these threatened individuals, groups that resemble their rejecter would provoke a defensive attitude and hostile behaviors. These individuals also show hospitality to those groups that resemble themselves to gain inclusion. The former process is more primary than the other. Experiment 1 (83 participants) and 3 (74 participants) used a scenario story to manipulate social exclusion. Groups with different categorical cues categorical similarity cues were provided. The results suggested that people after experiencing social exclusion tended to reject groups that resemble to previous rejecter. By contrast, groups that fit the characteristics of the target person were much preferred and received more resources. The second experiment (47 participants) used subliming priming to manipulate social exclusion. Main dependent measure was the decision time of lexical decision task. As predicted, compared to participants in control condition (all priming words in random order), those in social exclusion condition (being primed with rejection-softball and inclusion-enjoy-learning) processed rejection associated words (related to the reject group) and acceptance associated words (related to the perspective group) significantly faster than no association words. Experiment 4 (75 participants) used a 2 (social exclusion vs. control condition) x 2 (cognitive load: heavy vs. light) x 3 (categorical similarity cues: high rejective cue, high perspective cue, irrelevant cue) mixed-design. The results indicated that the excluded participants who had a heavy cognitive load could only avoid groups that resemble the previous rejecter and showed no preference for groups that might be suitable for them. To defend is the primary process. From experiment 5A to experiment 7, cyberostracism was employed to manipulate social exclusion. Experiment 5A (67 participants) used a 2 (social exclusion: social exclusion condition vs. control condition) x 2 (personality feedback: feedback vs. no feedback) x 4 (categorical similarity cues: rejective cue, perspective cue, irrelevant cue, rejecter) mixed-design. It was found that only those who with perspective cue could receive better evaluation from excluded participants. Experiment 5B suggested that excluded participants would evaluate people with rejective cues worse than those who in control group. The experiment 6 and 7 used decategorization and recategorization task to change the perceptions of categorical similarity cues. Experiment 6 (51 participants) showed that recategorization task could weaken the effect of the rejective cue and thus excluded participants would give better evaluation to people with rejective cue than participants in social exclusion only condition. Experiment 7 (46 participants) suggested that decategorization task might weaken the effect of perspective cue and therefore the evaluation tended to decrease for people with perspective cue. Eight experiments provided convergent evidence to this study to suggest that categorical similarity cues of possible affiliated people could elicit different reactions from excluded people.

In this current research I sought to answer two questions; 1) Do individuals have the capacity to recognize when they are being justly or unjustly socially excluded or conversely socially included? 2) Do the consequences of just and unjust social exclusion or social inclusion vary? In efforts to address these questions, I used perceptions of burden (i.e., participant’s overall contribution to a group task) to manipulate the perceived fairness of one’s inclusionary status to see how this affects the participants’ emotional and behavioral reactions. In Study 1, participants engaged in an imaginary group interaction in which they were burdensome (performing worse than the group) or non-burdensome (performing equal to the group) on a group-task while either being included or rejected. For Study 2, participants were randomly assigned to be burdensome versus non-burdensome, in a similar fashion as Study 1, and then ostracized or included by confederate players in a computerized group word game (i.e., Atimia). Participants in both studies reported their levels of perceived justice, needs satisfaction, social pain, negative affect, and aggressive behavior temptations. Participants in Study 2 also completed a behavioral aggression measure (i.e., candy allocation task). In Study 1, perceptions of justice had no impact on the consequences of social exclusion; rejected participants felt bad regardless of the fairness of their rejection. For included participants, unjust, compared to just, inclusion induced thwarted needs, increased social pain, negative affect, and aggressive behavior temptations (consequences similar to that of social exclusion). In Study 2 almost no differences emerged within the affective state of included individuals. Based primarily on the results of Study 1, it appears that burden may play a critical role in the ostracism experience. Further research is recommended to better understand this relationship.

The present study was conducted to investigate whether returning veterans feel ostracized (excluded and ignored) and if they experience its immediate negative impact (reflexive pain response and thwarted basic needs) on university campuses. Additionally, this study was designed to investigate veteran students’ feelings of perceived burdensomeness, and three caveats of student engagement: student faculty engagement, community-based activities, and transformational learning opportunities. Participants in the study were 118 civilian and veteran students at the University of North Florida. All data were collected through a world wide web surveying program that allowed each participant to respond on computers from any location. Both veteran and civilian participants recorded the interactions and feelings they recalled experiencing in the classroom during the month prior to participating in the study. The surveys administered were the Needs Threat Scale, the Numeric Rating Scale (NRS-11), the Wong Baker Faces Pain Rating Scale, the Interpersonal Needs Questionnaire (INQ), the Student Faculty Engagement (SFE) scale, the Community Based Activities (CBA) scale, and the Transformational Opportunity (TLO) scale along with a demographics questionnaire. Results show that participants in the veteran group reported greater thwarted belongingness than civilian students. Military service was also associated with less engagement in CBAs and TLOs. The association with less engagement in CBAs explained the impact of militarily service on thwarted belongingness.

Sexual violence perpetrated against women during armed conflicts represents a severe violation of their fundamental human rights. This heinous act not only inflicts significant harm on the women themselves but also results in the birth of children conceived due to wartime rape. Previous research has marked that children born of war encounter various forms of discrimination, stigma, neglect, abuse, and sometimes limited access to education and healthcare. As a vulnerable group, children born of war often have single mothers who have experienced sexual violence, resulting in potential lack of support from their family and communities. This paper investigates the circumstances and obstacles faced by children born of war but also what is necessary to properly support these children, according to the five organisations interviewed. It shines light on the need for comprehensive support systems to address their specific needs in the future, such as the urgent need for early interventions and psychological support, along with providing children born of war the opportunity to connect with their biological heritage to foster a sense of identity amongst others.