From the historical point of view, the overseas Chinese was contributory to the Republic of China: not only with respect of lasting traditional culture and holding national consciousness, but also with respect of politics, that is, assisting diplomacy, no matter official or unofficial. However, the overseas Chinese became doubtful about the policies of the new Government, governed by the D.P.P. since 2000, putting the People's Republic of China aside in making policies to serve for its ideology of Taiwan independence, and so making its policies themselves bonded by the ideology and the backward relationship between R.O.C. and P.R.C. On the contrary, different from the period of the Culture Revolution, the attitude of Chinese abroad to P.R.C. has been changed from rejection to acceptance since 1980s. Because of the open policies, the Mainland China works on protecting its foreign residents and to release the customs inspection especially for studying abroad, in order to promote interflow on international trade, information, and culture. And, it spreads Chinese language and Sinology by taking advantage of its highly economic development. The P.R.C. hence gradually be accepted by the overseas Chinese all over the world. To contrast foreign residents' policies of R.O.C. with P.R.C., it changed a lot recently. As a result, the foreign residents' recognition of nation and culture is toward the Mainland China gradually. Therefore, policies of Chinese abroad are much more important than ever. In my opinion, most researches, which focus on the overseas Chinese history, immigration, or the criticism and suggestion of recent policies, do not inquire into the political reasons behind policies and do not evaluate the possible effect from policies, neither. The immigration in the era of globalization is more common than before. Lots of new overseas Chinese immigrate into many different countries around the world to exploit new fields of diplomacy, affairs, and education concerning nationals living abroad. The contradiction is that the intercourse among the cross-strait people is improved, but the official contact is demoted. I think the Government has to establish a cooperative institution for the cross-strait relationship, e.g., a community of the same culture, democratic consciousness, or economic cooperation, then it can fulfill the need of foreign residents.

Following the violent crackdown on students demonstrating in Tiananmen Square in June 1989, tens of thousands of sympathetic ethnic Chinese and nationals of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) from across the globe (hereafter described as the Overseas Chinese or OC1) unified in protest against the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). While some were too afraid to speak out, others were much more critical and antagonistic by calling for democratic reform on the mainland.2 Fearing an escalation of anti-CCP sentiment amongst a diaspora crucial to its national interests, Beijing promptly intensified qiaowu gongzuo (hereafter described as qiaowu or OC work) to deal with the precarious situation. It employed a foreign legion of diplomats, attaches from various government ministries and specialist qiaowu cadres to aggressively manage and control strategic OC communities under a comprehensive set of influential tools and persuasive techniques.3 Over the next two decades, the CCP continually developed and improved qiaowu to the extent that it had become more successful with these methods in the current period than any other era – particularly so with new migrants and PRC students. Such prowess became apparent in 2008, when large numbers of the OC again took to the streets in heated protest. This time their response was not in defiance of the regime, but in strong support of China and its leaders. How has qiaowu been able to influence and manage the OC in this way? Why have qiaowu efforts worked with such success? Why has the CPP become so confident in advancing OC work since the crisis of 1989? This thesis explains the nature and development of qiaowu, details its specific work methods, and analyzes the platforms employed to advance relations with the OC diaspora. By assessing a wide range of Chinese language references, primary source policy documents and internal memoranda, this thesis argues that over decades of counter-efforts from rival political factions, gradual cultural assimilation, changes in OC demographics, technology and the international geo-political climate, qiaowu has served as an accomplished and necessary component of the CCP’s modernized propaganda and thought work system for influencing, managing and unifying a heterogeneous population of OC for Beijing’s national interests.

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Heritage speakers of Chinese languages in Asia: Sociocultural factors that affect their proficiency in Mandarin Chinese discusses several of the reasons that some Asian ethnic Chinese are more proficient at Mandarin Chinese than others. This research was conducted in Taiwan between 2009 and 2011. Research subjects were of Chinese ethnicity, citizens of Asian nations and regions other than the People’s Republic of China or the Republic of China ( Taiwan ), and present in Taiwan as students of Mandarin Chinese and/or various academic subjects. The research question consisted of an overarching question and three sub-questions; the overarching question was: What is the experience of heritage speakers of Chinese languages in Asian countries where Mandarin is not the dominant language?, and the three sub-questions were: 1.) What sociocultural factors result in heritage speakers’ Mandarin learning/development being enhanced?; 2.) What sociocultural factors result in heritage speakers’ Mandarin learning/development being suppressed/not enhanced?; and 3.) Why are ethnic Chinese from non-Chinese nations studying Mandarin in Taiwan ? The researcher also unearthed what is possibly a new paradigm for a “heritage speaker of Mandarin Chinese” in an Asian context. Heritage Mandarin speakers in an Asian context may be a hybrid construct: speakers of a Chinese language with solid skills in the home language, a high degree of contact with Mandarin Chinese in the environment, and the capacity to rapidly acquire Mandarin and enhance one’s skills readily via the advantage of scaffolding at a higher starting point due to already being versed in one or more Chinese language. Some of the salient sociocultural factors which were shown to enhance the Mandarin skills of this population were: similarity of home’s or region’s Chinese language to Mandarin, exposure to Mandarin in the environment, policies favorable to or accepting of this language group and culture, and Mandarin as a medium of classroom instruction. Reasons for studying in Taiwan included its low costs and authentic Chinese environment. It is hoped that this study will inform efforts in the teaching of Mandarin to heritage speakers. It is further hoped that stakeholders who deal with heritage speaker issues consider not only the sociocultural factors explored in this research, but also the importance of considering the effects of language contact between heritage languages and similar languages and dialects. / text

In this dissertation, I examine the particular diaspora construction of the overseas Chinese in South Korea focusing on their educational practice, and looking at how it relates to and reflects their identities and subjectivities. The Chinese in Korea, or Korean huaqiaos, have no parallel in that they still retain Chinese (Taiwanese) nationality despite their over one hundred years of settlement in Korea, and in that most opt for full-time Chinese ethnic schooling with exclusively Taiwanese-administered curriculum and support. Different from the previous discussions arguing the nation-making role of the state-sponsored mass education through transmitting national culture and language, in a Chinese high school in Seoul, Korea, I observed that ethnic schooling worked to connect the scattering Chinese in Korea as a community by letting them share similar social, legal, and cultural conditions. Drawing on school documents, student writings, and interviews and discussions with ethnic Chinese students, teachers, parents, and related organization leaders, I elucidate the role of their ethnic education which is transforming as a strategy to deal with one of the most brutal social qualification-college entrance- in Korean society, and as a symbol through which they can remain Chinese diasporans. Students’ indifference to their schoolwork seems to defeat expectations of Chinese heritage transmission, or the making of allies for the ROC. This situation results from changes derived from the Taiwanese political changes against them, and also from the conviction passed down over generations about the futility of hard work due to their minority situation in Korea. Even being aware of their ethnic schools’ failure to properly educate their children in Chinese language and culture, almost all Korean huaqiaos keep sending their children there, unable to resist the immediate admissions advantage foreign high school graduates gain in entering Korean universities, and not wishing to be excluded from their own ethnic community by not attending the same ethnic schools. The way Korean huaqiaos deal with their ethnic education is a typical example revealing their collective characteristics they themselves talked about – “opportunistic”, “gossip-bound”, or “not stepping forward to act” - and I analyzed these self-defined particular Chineseness has been formed while they have gone through continuous unsteady socio-political processes. Through chapters that provide analyses of the historical Korea-China relationship, the context in which Chinese came to settle in Korea, and the ever-changing three-way relationship among Korea, Taiwan and mainland China, I discuss how Korean huaqiaos have formed and transformed their nationality, emotional and cultural belonging, and their unstable legal and social statuses as non-local nationals. This study on the atypical results of Chinese border-crossing and of ethnic education is based on three years of ethnographic field research in the Seoul Chinese High School and in other various social and cultural arenas of the Chinese community in Korea. And it offers a contextualized study of Chinese diaspora which contributes to debunking a generalized and reified imaginary of Chinese, and an ethnographic account of diaspora educational practice which also calls for a new concept of citizenship in this ever-globalizing era. / Anthropology

By employing the theory of Imagology, this work examines four literature workswritten in overseas study movements in modern Chinese history: Wang Tao's shortstories in Songyin Manlu, Lao She's The Two Mas, Bai Xianyong's A Death in Chicagoand Zhou Li's Manhattan's Chinese Lady. While tracing how Chinese intellectuals workthrough the dichotomy of China/West and Tradition /Modernity, this study alsoendeavors to reveal theoretical issues arising from inter-cultural communication andrepresentation. It argues that the literary projection of the west manifests a complex senseof the Chinese self primarily due to the portrayals of western cities and westerners as anembodiment of Chinese understandings of western modernity at different periods. In theLate Qing, the depiction of London in Songyin Manlu only focuses on gunboats, cannons,museums, and factories, because western modernity for the Chinese at the time wassignified by the mighty weaponry of British navy and advanced technology. In the 1920s,however, the portrayal of London in The Two Mas shifts to reveal how Londoners'lifestyle and culture make Britain the most powerful nation in the world, as the Chineseintellectuals advocated the westernization of Chinese culture in order to strengthen China.In the 1960s, the Chinese protagonist Wu Hanhun in A Death of Chicago feels estrangedand sexually seduced in Chicago, subsequently loses his sense of purpose in life andeventually commits suicide, the depiction of which is consistent with similar themes inwestern modernist literature. This is due to the fact that the modernist movement thrivedin Taiwan in the 1960s, and as such, had a large impact on Taiwanese writers. The 1990seraManhattan's Chinese Lady displays spectacles of America's wealth on the FifthAvenue in Manhattan, as common Chinese strive for becoming rich in contemporaryChina owing to the Chinese government's promotion of market reform after 40 years ofpoverty in socialist China. The study concludes that regardless of whether or not theimages of the west presented in Chinese discourse are idealizations, demonizations, orother related cultural determinations, they all manifest a type of anxiety in regard to theChinese Self.

My dissertation explores how the movement of missionaries across Asia responded to the currents of nationalism, decolonization, and the Cold War producing ideas about sovereignty, race, and religious rights. More specifically, it looks at how U.S. evangelicals in the China Inland Mission, an international and interdenominational mission society, collaborated with Christians in the Atlantic and Pacific worlds. While doing so it also details the oft-neglected study of the post-China careers of former China missionaries by extensive use of oral histories. Forced to abandon its only field by the Chinese Communist Party, the mission redeployed as the Overseas Missionary Fellowship sending agents to new nations such as Japan, Indonesia, and Thailand and amongst the overseas Chinese populations scattered across Southeast Asia. The last chapter looks at the OMF’s return to the People’s Republic of China as tourists and expatriates as the means by which “rapprochement” took on religious meanings. Ultimately, I argue missionary mobility produced ideas about religious freedom as a human right across the international community rooted in ambivalent, racialized attitudes toward Asians.

[Truncated abstract] The May 1998 anti-Chinese riots brought to the fore the highly problematic position of the ethnic Chinese in the Indonesian nation. The ethnic Chinese were traumatised by the event, and experienced an identity crisis. They were confronted with the reality that many Indonesians still viewed and treated them as outsiders or foreigners, despite the fact that they had lived in Indonesia for many generations. During Suharto's New Order (1966-1998), the ethnic Chinese had been given the privilege to expand the nation's economy (and their own wealth), but, paradoxically, were marginalised and discriminated against in all social spheres: culture, language, politics, entrance to state-owned universities, public service and public employment. This intentional official discrimination against the Chinese continuously reproduced their

本研究一方面剖析馬來西亞僑生來台前的教育歷程以及他們選擇來台的原因，另一方面亦深入探討馬來西亞僑生群體內部之國籍異質性對其在台生活經驗及「僑生」身分認同上的影響。本研究採用質性研究方法進行研究，主要透過訪談法與參與觀察法，分別於台灣與馬來西亞地區蒐集田野資料。主要研究發現為： 一、國籍的差異建構了馬來西亞馬籍與台籍僑生個人與國家（馬來西亞、台灣）關係上的差異，以及來台前教育歷程上的歧異性。來台之馬來西亞僑生中，馬籍僑生多畢業於著重華文教學之獨立中學中體系，而台籍僑生主要來自海外台灣學校。在馬來西亞獨立中學與海外台灣學校就讀的學生面對的是迥異的學習環境與教材、隱藏性課程與參考團體，但在不同因素的考量及作用下，他們不約而同地選擇來台就讀大學，並成為「僑生」。不論是馬籍或台籍僑生，他們對於其所具有之「僑生」身份多是採接受但不認同的態度，不過原因不盡相同。 二、「僑生」身份在台灣社會特殊的歷史脈絡中已逐漸與原始意涵脫鉤，並累積了如學業程度不好、說中文有口音及升學制度中之既得利益者等負面標籤，讓「僑生」成為一個被污名之群體。馬來西亞籍僑生由於其成長及受教背景之故，較易具備外顯的僑生符號（如說中文有口音），容易被辨識為「僑生」，因而常需背負「僑生」所具有的污名。台灣籍僑生因為具有台灣國籍以及講中文沒有口音等，迥異於台灣民眾對於一般僑生之想像，而難以被辨識其「僑生」身分，或其僑生身分較難獲得他人認同而另給予「假僑生」的稱謂。 三、依據自身與情境的特質，馬籍與台籍僑生發展相關策略以避免因「僑生」身份而被污名化，包括諸多規避（passing）行為（如口音轉換、呈現在地之身分認同、避免參與僑生團體）以避免身分暴露、構成強凝聚力之僑生團體以獲取社會支持及建構群體認同等策略。另外，台籍僑生一方面由於不符合社會對「僑生」的刻版印象，另一方面也為避免承受「僑生」身份的污名，往往接受「假僑生」的稱謂，並視其為一「戲謔性」但不具污名的稱呼。 / This study alalyzes the the education processes of Malaysian overseas Chinese students and their reasonings for studying in Taiwan on the one hand, and explores how the difference in nationality (Malaysia vs. Taiwan) affect their life experiences in Taiwan and their attitudes toward the “overseas Chinese student” identity given by the Taiwanese society on the other. The study utilizes qualitative research methods and collects field data (mainly through participant observation and in-depth interviewing techniques) from Taiwan and Malaysia. The major findings are stated as follows: 1. Difference in nationality between Malaysian and Taiwanese Chinese students constructs the divergence in their relations with respective states (Taiwan and Malaysia) and eductation tracking processes prior to their study in Taiwan. Among ethnic Chinese students from Malaysia studying in Taiwan, Malaysian Chinese students mostly graduated from independent high schools while Taiwanese Chinese came from overseas Taiwanese schools. The distinctions in these two schooling systems in the academic melius, teaching materials, hidden curriculums, and reference groups shape the different reasonings to study in Taiwan. For various reasons, these students accept but not necessarily agree on the “overseas Chinese student” identity given by Taiwanese soceity upon their arrival in Taiwan. 2. Under the changing historical context, the identity of “overseas Chinese student” has gradually lost its originally denotation and even become a stigmatized label. Malaysian Chinese students tend to be more easily identified as “overseas Chinese students” due to their more salient outer attributes (such as accent) and thus more likely to be stigmatized. Taiwanese Chinese students (from Malaysia), due to their Taiwanese nationality and Taiwanese accent, are less likely to be seen as “overseas Chinese students.”Even if this identity is disclosed, such identity is often challenged by others because of the misfit with the stereotype of “overseas Chinese student” that exists in the Taiwanese society. As a result, Taiwanes Chinese students from Malaysia are often called “psudo overseas Chinese students.” 3. Both Malaysian and Taiwanese Chinese students from Malaysia develop various strategies to aviod or overcome the possible stigmatization brought by the identity of “overseas Chinese students,” including many “passing” techniques as well as forming proactive and powerful overseas student associations. For Taiwanese Chinese students from Malaysia specifically, they often playfully accept the seemly degrading and yet un-stigmatzied title of “psudo overseas Chinese students” as a way to avoid stigmatization embedded in the identity of “overseas Chinese students.”

Global climate change is becoming increasingly evident. There has been increased attention paid to the impact of human activity on climate. As a rising power, China’s energy needs to fuel its rapid economic growth with the resulting potential impacts of climate change presents an enormous climate policy dilemma not only for China but also for the entire world. The role of China is an issue of perennial concerns at the international climate change negotiation: its energy saving, emission reduction and clean production reflect China’s dual objectives about sustainable development and efforts on international legal obligations.Education abroad is an integral part of China’s development strategy. The abroad Chinese students who possess the knowledge, technologies skills and ideas, as well as information are playing an important role to assist China retain or increase its competitive advantage. The aim of this paper is to analyze the abroad Chinese students’ opinion on China’s role under the circumstance of global climate change, with main focus on three aspects: Energy consumption and environment situation in China; Several current domestic policies regarding problems of climate change and energy consumption in China; Issues facing the country on its road map to future mitigation action regarding climate change.Alongside the interviews carried out within ten overseas Chinese students, using the social science of Science, Technology and Society (STS) especially its public understanding of Science and Technology as the theoretical perspective, this thesis is exploring the interviewees’ attitudes toward current China’s climate change related issues from a deeper sense of human, culture and public perspective.