Texte remanié de: Habilitationsschrift--Philosophische Fakultät--Kiel--Christian-Albrechts-Universität, 1983. / Bibliogr. p. XI-XLII. Index.

Th.--Histoire--Paris 1, 1988.

Job satisfaction and motivation continues to be of great significance in the recruitment, commitment, retention, productivity and mental health of nurses, particularly, in collectivist communities like the Palestinian one. Therefore, the overall aims of this study are to ascertain the degree of job satisfaction and motivation among Gaza nurses, to identify main factors affecting these and how these relate to other research in this area, most of which has been carried out in rather different western cultures. The study is quantitative/qualitative, cross-sectional, methodologically triangulated, and was conducted between 1997-2000. A sum of 420 nurses chosen through a Probability Systematic Random Sample were requested to complete self-administered questionnaires and 44 purposively selected nurses were interviewed in 4 focus group sessions with a response rate of 89%.The analysis of the quantitative and qualitative data extracted seven domains that reflected Gaza nurses' expectations by reference to their job satisfaction. These are management culture, interaction and communication, professional development, professional status and self-esteem, working life, work benefits and conditions and professional autonomy. Thus, Gaza nurses perceived motivators support the Process Theories of motivation and question the Content and Scientific Theories. The study revealed that Gaza nurses were moderately satisfied (50-60%) in general, but their satisfaction could be further improved. Management dominates the general picture of Gaza nurses' motivation and most of the factors related to it. The study clarified the general picture of Gaza nurses by demonstrating their personal and organisational characteristics and provided some insights into the relationships between these variables and motivation. The identified seven factors could be seen as constituting a model-frame for subjects' motivation. The study's findings contribute in enabling those concerned with this issue, particularly nurse managers in Palestine, to understand what motivates their nurses and to develop more effective motivational strategies.

This paper aims to tell many different stories about life in Jerusalem. It is, in part, about the human suffering that exists under Israeli occupation. It is about the legitimacy of powerful narratives, despite inaccuracies and contradictions. It is about the resilience and tenacity of various communities on either side of a complex conflict. But primarily, this is a paper about borders: both physical and intangible boundaries that divide and define various communities in Jerusalem. Boundaries reveal a society through their construction, destruction, and definition of space. Because borders are demonstrated through anecdote, I examine boundaries largely through ethnography, exploring four specific types of boundaries and spaces: physical-political boundaries, boundaries based on cultural identity, gendered spaces, and heterotopias. Political and social shifts occur on boundaries where contact, conflict, and compromise exist. By examining sites that are particularly vulnerable to transition, we can better understand societal change and affect genuine resolution.

This dissertation interrogates the political use of the past in global politics, with a focus on Israel/Palestine. Collective memory is mostly theorised in IR as determinant of national identities. Similarly, in the field of Memory Studies, collective memory is mostly confined to “Methodological Nationalism.” My main argument is that while national narratives purport to be stand-alone stories of the past, or monological narratives, they are in fact in constant negotiation with other stories of that past, they are dialogical. Furthermore, their dynamic transcends the boundaries of the nation state and of transnational institutional politics. To encapsulate these cross-narrative intertextual relationships into a framework that would enable productive analysis, I suggest the re-articulation of the dialogical relationships as transnational constellations, which focus first and foremost on the narratives themselves.

Cohabitation in contested territories is extremely difficult, especially when there is an occupying power and an occupied people sharing the same area and have limited access to each other's exclusive domains. Throughout history, these conditions have been temporal - usually, one of the two powers gains control of the area and the other is exiled or forced to assimilate. In the case of the city of Hebron in the Occupied West Bank/Israel this will never be a reality. Due to its religious importance to Jews, Muslims, and Arabs, Hebron will always be seen by the state of Israel and the nation of Palestine as "theirs", a condition formalized as part of The Protocol Concerning the Redeployment in Hebron of 1997. As a result of the protocol the city was meticulously segregated down to the block and building scale. Currently, 80% of Hebron is Palestinian (H1) while 20% is Israeli (H2). Even though Palestinian Hebron is larger, it is under complete Israeli military control while H2's only constraint is limited entry H1. These divisions are extremely complex as there is no wall around the city to differentiate both "neighborhood nations." Hebron is a complex metropolis of layers assigned by altitude, religious affiliation and military strategy. Hebronites experience various privileges and restrictions depending on their national affiliation, a reality that incubates resentments between both communities. The thesis aims to create nationless spaces, unaffiliated "engineered paradises" deployed at the urban scale, to provide a respite from the toxicity of the Arab-Israeli conflict. / 0 / SPK / specialcollections@tulane.edu

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / This dissertation examines the ambiguous status of the Palestinian citizens of Israel. It focuses on three events: the 1956 Kafar Qasem massacre, the 1976 Land Day events, and the October 2000 shootings. It argues that neither a civic-republican nor a liberal-democratic understanding of the concept of "citizenship" provide an adequate account of the status of this minority. The interplay between these conceptions of citizenship exemplifies the constant tension between Israel's two defining characteristics -- as the Jewish homeland and a liberal-democratic state. The dissertation argues that the political theories of Hannah Arendt and Carl Schmitt offer a more promising articulation of this status. While the state-official responses to these cases vary, they do share one common aspect -- the shooting and killing of Palestinian citizens by state security forces. These point to a clear course taken by the state of setting the lives of its Palestinian inhabitants in constant political and civil unpredictability. The tension between the civic-republican and the liberal-democratic conceptions of citizenship is sufficient to explain some of the inequality endured by the Palestinian minority. Nevertheless, the dissertation will argue that these watershed events in Israeli history point not simply to the inequality of the Palestinian citizens, but raise the troubling question of whether, in effect, Palestinians are treated as citizens at all. The second part of the dissertation draws on the work of Hannah Arendt and Carl Schmitt to explore two alternative ways of analyzing the status of the Palestinian minority. Arendt's understanding of power and violence clarifies the varied outcomes of the cases, and her account of the condition of "statelessness" suggests that the Palestinians' status is better understood as that of stateless-citizens. Carl Schmitt's notion of the "state of exception" provides a troubling articulation of the state's use of a constant sense of emergency. His distinction between "friend" and "enemy" suggests the treatment of the Palestinian citizens is best understood as that of internal enemies. Taken together, these approaches shed light on the reality in which the Palestinians live as citizens, a reality of uncertainty, unpredictability and animosity.

Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.

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In general, this thesis sheds light on the complexities associated with formal recognition of statehood within the international community and investigates the application of the articles in the Montevideo Convention relative to obtaining sovereign status as well as Palestine's efforts to meet the requirements set in those articles, in comparison to similar efforts underway by other alleged states. This is most relevant to academia in that it addresses the theoretical application of international law requirements for obtaining statehood and to political/policy circles in providing a synthesized understanding of modern barriers to statehood. Palestine is unable to achieve sovereign status because it lacks international recognition by powerful states, such as the US. Key components of this argument are that the International Court of Justice identifies the articles in the Montevideo Convention as customary law, Palestine meets the Montevideo Convention criteria, even if arguably only in the most basic sense, Palestine currently has bilateral recognition from 135 States and The United States, with support from Israel, continues to threaten its veto powers on any attempt of a bid for full membership by Palestine until a deal can be made between Palestine and Israel at the negotiation tables. Key discoveries made through the comparative analysis are (1) Kosovo, Taiwan and Palestine all meet the criteria outlined in the Montevideo Convention but have yet to receive official membership extended to sovereign states with the United Nations, (2) even in the absence of formal political recognition, diplomatic relationships (whether official or unofficial) still exist; they are typically indicative of economic and business needs rather than political ones and (3) without either unilateral acceptance or abstention of an aspiring state's application for statehood by one of the members of the United Nations Security Council, achieving sovereign status with recognition by the United Nations (and not just some of the sub agencies) is almost impossible. Despite growing momentum in support of a bid for Palestinian statehood, without support from members of the UNSC, progress will be stalled. This thesis explores a topic that is heavily analyzed by taking a step back to look at the basics. Other analyses on the topic of Palestinian statehood are very focused on the complexities of the situation and the mere fact that sovereign status is not achieved; this focuses on the simplicity of the situation and identifying the primary factor that prevents sovereign status. / Master of Arts