Thesis (Ph. D.)--Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden. / Errata slip inserted. Includes bibliographical references (p. 135-145).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden. / Errata slip inserted. Includes bibliographical references (p. 135-145).

Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a cultura visual presente em Israel e na Palestina durante as décadas de 1970 e 1980, através da singular interação entre o universo das imagens e a luta política da Palestina. O estudo parte da preocupação em compreender territórios e alcances da visualidade palestina, especialmente em decorrência da ruptura ocasionada a partir de 1948 – ano de criação do Estado de Israel, conhecido Nakba - e seus diversos desdobramentos. Visando aprofundar a compreensão das reverberações visuais na experiência política de artistas (e) palestinos/as, serão exploradas imagens de apelo cotidiano e de grande alcance, em especial charges e ilustrações, produzidas pelo artista palestino Abed Abdi entre os anos de 1972 e 1982: as primeiras, publicadas no jornal Al-Ittihad (1972-1981), e as segundas produzidas para a revista literária Al-Jadid (1980-1982). O recorte temporal escolhido ambienta um momento de uma rica produção do artista, devido suas posições ideológicas de esquerda, a filiação ao Partido Comunista de Israel e os estudos formais realizados em Dresden, elementos fundamentais da biografia de Abdi. Sua produção crítica e marcadamente política proporcionam retratos de um cenário complexo das relações entre Israel, Palestina, outros países do Oriente Médio e do restante do mundo no período. Assim, no entremeio da história e arte, visualidade e política, são abordadas temáticas como a construção identitária e historiográfica do Nakba, as produções artísticas do Nakba, a construção da Nação, a inserção do Comunismo, a natureza dos periódicos, a presença de uma intelectualidade palestina, entre outros. O problema, enfim, consiste na hipótese de uma centralidade do visual no processo de afirmação, discussão, enfrentamento e expressão das causas palestinas no século XX. Nesse cenário, as imagens produzidas por Abed Abdi durante as décadas de 1970 e 1980 encontram relevância ao fornecer um repertório visual que discute a Palestina em termos políticos, não apenas em suas relações com Israel e com um Mundo Árabe, mas a partir de seus próprios termos. / This work aims to analyze the visual culture presented in Israel and Palestine during the 1970s and 1980s, through the unique interaction between the images spectrum and the political struggle in Palestine. The study is concerned to understand territories and the scope of Palestinian visuality, especially due to the disruption caused since 1948 - the birthdate of the State of Israel, known as Nakba - and its various developments. To deepen the understanding of visual reverberations in the political experience of artists (and) Palestinians, it will be explored images of everyday appeal and far-reaching, specifically cartoons and illustrations produced by the Palestinian artist Abed Abdi between the years 1972 and 1982: the first ones published in the Al-Ittihad newspaper (1972-1981), and the second ones produced for the literary magazine Al-Jadid (1980-1982). The time frame chosen is set in a moment of a rich production of the artist, also due to his leftist ideological position, filiation to the Communist Party of Israel and the formal studies taken in Dresden, underlying elements to Abdi´s biography. His critical production, markedly political, provides pictures of a complex scenario of relations between Israel, Palestine, other Middle Eastern countries and the rest of the world in the period. Therefore, in between history and art, visuality and politics, it is addressed themes such as identity and historiographical construction of the Nakba, the artistic productions of the Nakba, the construction of the Nation, the insertion of Communism, the nature of the journals, the presence of Palestinian intellectuals, among others. The problem, finally, consists in the hypothesis of the centrality of the visual in the processes of afirmation, discussion, confrontation and expression of the Palestinian causes in the twentieth century. In this scenario, the images produced by Abed Abdi during the 1970s and 1980s are relevant because they provide a visual repertoire in discussing Palestine politically, not only in its relations with Israel and an Arab World, but from their own terms.

The mobility of Palestinian residents of Jerusalem is usually understood in terms of exclusion, reflecting their lack of access to urban services more broadly as well as the restrictive mobility regime at work across the Palestinian territories. Yet after fifty years of Israeli occupation, a more complex and contradictory situation has emerged in the city. This dissertation uses mobility as a vehicle to arrive at a more integrated understanding of the paradoxical manner in which Palestinian Jerusalemites are simultaneously excluded from and incorporated into the city and to analyse how they negotiate their interstitial and often contradictory position. The thesis approaches the question of Palestinian quotidian movement by engaging with theoretical work on mobility and embodied movement as well as from empirical study including eight months of on-site research. In its three core sections, the work examines in detail several manifestations of the restriction, facilitation, and contested nature of mobility. In the first section, a discussion of Palestinian exclaves and enclaves of the city shows the continuities of mobility’s exclusionary effects on both sides of the Separation Wall. This limitation of movement leads to a restriction of spatio-political possibilities – but at the same time, Palestinians expand the horizon of what is possible through everyday and leisure practices. The second section employs two case studies of recent public transport developments in East Jerusalem to examine how incorporation is operationalised through everyday movements across urban space. The third section analyses the paradoxical role of mobility as the result of a tension between the settler colonial and the neoliberal logics concurrently at work in the city. On the one hand, the restriction of movement gradually renders the Palestinians as external to their city. On the other, the facilitation and regulation of mobility in East Jerusalem also serves to normalise Israeli rule and constitute Palestinians as incorporated urban residents, thereby undermining long-term aspirations for autonomy in the east of the city. The examination of the manner in which mobilities are contested in Jerusalem shows that movement, although often associated with freedom and independence, is essential for negotiating the terms of interdependence in the city.

Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a cultura visual presente em Israel e na Palestina durante as décadas de 1970 e 1980, através da singular interação entre o universo das imagens e a luta política da Palestina. O estudo parte da preocupação em compreender territórios e alcances da visualidade palestina, especialmente em decorrência da ruptura ocasionada a partir de 1948 – ano de criação do Estado de Israel, conhecido Nakba - e seus diversos desdobramentos. Visando aprofundar a compreensão das reverberações visuais na experiência política de artistas (e) palestinos/as, serão exploradas imagens de apelo cotidiano e de grande alcance, em especial charges e ilustrações, produzidas pelo artista palestino Abed Abdi entre os anos de 1972 e 1982: as primeiras, publicadas no jornal Al-Ittihad (1972-1981), e as segundas produzidas para a revista literária Al-Jadid (1980-1982). O recorte temporal escolhido ambienta um momento de uma rica produção do artista, devido suas posições ideológicas de esquerda, a filiação ao Partido Comunista de Israel e os estudos formais realizados em Dresden, elementos fundamentais da biografia de Abdi. Sua produção crítica e marcadamente política proporcionam retratos de um cenário complexo das relações entre Israel, Palestina, outros países do Oriente Médio e do restante do mundo no período. Assim, no entremeio da história e arte, visualidade e política, são abordadas temáticas como a construção identitária e historiográfica do Nakba, as produções artísticas do Nakba, a construção da Nação, a inserção do Comunismo, a natureza dos periódicos, a presença de uma intelectualidade palestina, entre outros. O problema, enfim, consiste na hipótese de uma centralidade do visual no processo de afirmação, discussão, enfrentamento e expressão das causas palestinas no século XX. Nesse cenário, as imagens produzidas por Abed Abdi durante as décadas de 1970 e 1980 encontram relevância ao fornecer um repertório visual que discute a Palestina em termos políticos, não apenas em suas relações com Israel e com um Mundo Árabe, mas a partir de seus próprios termos. / This work aims to analyze the visual culture presented in Israel and Palestine during the 1970s and 1980s, through the unique interaction between the images spectrum and the political struggle in Palestine. The study is concerned to understand territories and the scope of Palestinian visuality, especially due to the disruption caused since 1948 - the birthdate of the State of Israel, known as Nakba - and its various developments. To deepen the understanding of visual reverberations in the political experience of artists (and) Palestinians, it will be explored images of everyday appeal and far-reaching, specifically cartoons and illustrations produced by the Palestinian artist Abed Abdi between the years 1972 and 1982: the first ones published in the Al-Ittihad newspaper (1972-1981), and the second ones produced for the literary magazine Al-Jadid (1980-1982). The time frame chosen is set in a moment of a rich production of the artist, also due to his leftist ideological position, filiation to the Communist Party of Israel and the formal studies taken in Dresden, underlying elements to Abdi´s biography. His critical production, markedly political, provides pictures of a complex scenario of relations between Israel, Palestine, other Middle Eastern countries and the rest of the world in the period. Therefore, in between history and art, visuality and politics, it is addressed themes such as identity and historiographical construction of the Nakba, the artistic productions of the Nakba, the construction of the Nation, the insertion of Communism, the nature of the journals, the presence of Palestinian intellectuals, among others. The problem, finally, consists in the hypothesis of the centrality of the visual in the processes of afirmation, discussion, confrontation and expression of the Palestinian causes in the twentieth century. In this scenario, the images produced by Abed Abdi during the 1970s and 1980s are relevant because they provide a visual repertoire in discussing Palestine politically, not only in its relations with Israel and an Arab World, but from their own terms.

A criação do Estado de Israel, em 1948, provocou grandes transformações que influenciaram a vida cultural e política da Palestina. No caso da poesia, observa-se a partir de 1948 a presença de temas que tratam da resistência e da afirmação da identidade. Assim, o presente trabalho terá como objetivo analisar, sob a ótica da Análise de Discurso, um corpus representativo da poesia palestina após 1948, de modo a compreender de que forma o confronto entre o simbólico e o político representa as relações entre o ethos discursivo e a construção da identidade num momento histórico particular. / The creation of Israel State, in 1948, had caused many changes that had an influence on palestinian culture and politics. After 1948, the palestinian poetry started to talk about resistance and affirmation of identity. Thus this work had an intention to analyse, by Discourse Analysis, a representative corpus of the palestinian poetry wrote after 1948, in order to understand how the confrontation between the discoursive ethos and the construction of identity.

Este trabalho consiste na análise do romance Aravim Rokdim (Árabes Dançantes), do escritor árabe israelense muçulmano Sayed Kashua, e tem como foco central a questão identitária que envolve o árabe israelense conforme visto nessa obra. Publicado em 2002, o romance conta em hebraico, idioma que tem como leitor majoritário o judeu, a história de uma família de árabes israelenses. Este estudo é desenvolvido com base nas teorias provindas dos Estudos Culturais e Pós- Colonialistas, segundo as quais no ser humano coexistem múltiplas e antagônicas identidades. Esse fato é exponencialmente visto nesse árabe cidadão israelense apresentado no romance de Kashua, que convive com sentimentos de culpa devido à sua dupla-lealdade e conflitantes fidelidades: por um lado, ele aceita sua cidadania israelense; por outro, além de ser membro de um povo cujas muitas nações se opõem à existência do Estado de Israel, ele possui parentes nos territórios ocupados por Israel na Guerra dos Seis Dias (1967) que não tiveram direito àquela cidadania. Esses sentimentos complexos e ambivalentes são intensificados devido ao contexto sociopolítico do romance: a Segunda Intifada (2000-2006). Nesse período da moderna história de Israel, a desconfiança do judeu e do Estado de Israel em relação à fidelidade do cidadão árabe israelense para com seu Estado foi exacerbada. Surge dessa combinação um romance político inusitado, que se utiliza do humor e da autoironia para contar ao seu leitor a história do árabe israelense que vive preso entre duas sociedades, que se sente um estrangeiro em seu próprio meio e, mesmo assim, não desiste de buscar um novo lugar identitário para si próprio. / This work consists of an analysis of the novel Aravim Rokdim (Dancing Arabs) by Arab-Israeli Muslim writer Sayed Kashua, which focuses on the identity issues surrounding Arab-Israelis portrayed in the work. Published in 2002, the novel is written in Hebrew and recounts the history of an Arab-Israeli family. This study is based on the theories derived from the Cultural and Post-Colonial Studies, according to which human beings simultaneously experience multiple and antagonistic identities. This fact can be observed exponentially in this Arab citizen of Israel introduced by Kashua, as he lives with feelings of guilt due to his twin-loyalties and conflicting allegiances: if, on one side, he accepts his Israeli citizenship, on the other, he is not only a member of a people whose many nations oppose the existence of the State of Israel, but has relatives living in territories occupied by Israel in the Six-Day War (1967) who were denied the right to that citizenship. These complex and ambivalent feelings are intensified by the social-political context of the novel: the Second Intifada (2000-2006), a period in modern Israeli history when the distrust of Jews and the State of Israel regarding the allegiance of Arab-Israeli citizens to the State was exacerbated. These circumstances result in a unique political novel that uses humor and self-irony to tell the reader the story of an Arab-Israeli that lives trapped between two societies, that feels like a foreigner among his own people and that tirelessly seeks a new place to call his own.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the role of cultural and historical perceptions of parties to a conflict by prism of the protracted conflict model (PC). The theoretical part initially focuses on explication of the protracted conflict concept theory and argues for its presence in the IR theory. Subsequently, the clarification of the national narratives theory as a form of cultural and historical perceptions drawn from nationalism theories is included. Further, the analysis of national narratives in the PC model is conducted and its findings are presented. The last part contains characteristics of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a PC and the application of theoretical findings and conclusions in the conflict.

This thesis provides the findings of an explanatory case study that utilized elements of ethnographic research to discover effective evangelistic methods being practiced among Palestinian Muslims in the West Bank. With the assistance of gatekeepers, twenty-four former Muslims were asked to explain how they were evangelized, with a particular focus on evangelistic methodology, the barriers to faith the respondents encountered, solutions to those barriers, and motivations to consider conversion. This qualitative study follows the research model of Thom Rainer (2001) by asking those who have actually converted to describe the things that were helpful in the process of their coming to faith. For a theoretical framework it utilizes a nuance of McKnight’s (2002) theory of conversion with an emphasis on crisis providing an intersection of the natural and supernatural for the purpose of conversion. This thesis investigates examples of effective evangelism within the context of the West Bank, giving thorough consideration to Palestinian Nationalism and Islam as overarching cultural influences. It considers fruitful practices being practiced globally among Muslims, comparing those with what was found being practiced in the West Bank. The advocates represented in this report were primarily Palestinians born and raised in the West Bank, with the exception of three messianic Jewish Israelis and an American missionary. Additionally, they were evangelicals who generally utilized a contextually sensitive, traditional mission approach rather than an Insider model. The end result is a knowledge base that can be helpful for future evangelism of Muslims in the West Bank or other similar contexts. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2014 / Science of Religion and Missiology / unrestricted

This study is an analytical investigation of the usage of the concept “people” and its relation to “class” in the Swedish left-wing antizionist repertoire post-1967. Relying on a critical Marxist understanding of antisemitism and nationalism, the study attempts to understand how and explain how the political left reproduced the antisemitic conspiracist structure of the “powerful Jews” through anti-imperialist nationalism. The study utilizes Freeden’s morphology of ideologies as a method to identify the position of specific political concepts, and what they mean in relation to each other. Likewise, how certain cultural constraints connected to Marxism-Leninism direct a specific political language regarding the communists understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It is the author’s assumption that “people” replaced “class” as the main word, by which the political left re-positioned itself from a Marxist understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to an approach characterized as a post-colonial nationalism with class nuances, which contributed to left-wing antisemitism post-1967.