Diante de um conflito que se estende por muitas décadas, como é o caso do israelense-palestino, um rastro de dor marca vidas e parece não deixar muito espaço para a esperança. Ao registrar o testemunho de mães a respeito de sua história de vida e experiência emocional diante da realidade violenta em que vivem, busquei, a um só tempo, lhes escutar a voz, tantas vezes silenciada e, da humanidade de seus relatos, extrair uma centelha que fosse de possibilidade de transformação. No campo da Psicologia Política, é da intersecção entre a Teoria Feminista e o Estudo das Emoções que desenho meu olhar e na História Oral traço o caminho. Mas esta jornada teve início muito antes, e é nos registros pessoais de mulheres que busco preencher espaços vazios das narrativas históricas tradicionais. E, contrariamente à lógica do conflito que não vê lugar para mais de uma perspectiva, exploro, apesar das assimetrias, todos os pontos de vista que consigo alcançar, a fim de propor, não uma solução, pois esta não me caberia, mas um meio fértil para seu desenvolvimento. / Faced with a conflict that extends itself for many decades, as is the case of the Israeli- Palestinian, a trail of pain marks lives, and does not seem to leave much room for hope. By recording the testimony of mothers about their life history and emotional experience in face of the violent reality in which they live, I sought, at one and the same time, to listen to their, so often silenced voice and their stories\' humanity, to draw a spark of possibility of transformation. From the intersection between Feminist Theory and the Study of Emotions in the field of Political Psychology, I draw my gaze, and in Oral History I trace the path. But this journey began much earlier, and it is on women\'s personal records that I seek to fill empty spaces of traditional historical narratives. And contrary to the logic of conflict that sees no place for more than one perspective, I explore, despite the asymmetries, all the points of view that I can attain, in order to propose, not a solution, for it would not be up to me, but a fertile environment for its growth.

The quest for the historical Jesus can be advanced by a consideration of disagreement scenarios recorded in the gospels. Such “conflicts” afford the opportunity not only to analyse the positions of the protagonists, but by comparing them, to better appreciate their relative stances. ¶ One area of disagreement that has remained largely unexplored is that between Jesus and the Pharisees over the “kingdom of God”. Indeed, “kingdom of God” formed the very foundation of Jesus’ preaching and thus ought to be the place where fundamental disagreements are to be found. As Luke 17:20-21 represents the only passage in the Gospels where the Pharisees show any interest in the kingdom of God, it forms the central hub of the thesis around which an account of the disparate beliefs of Jesus and the Pharisees on the kingdom of God is constructed. ¶ The main thesis is this. Luke 17:20-21 can best be explained, at the level of the Pharisees and Jesus, as betraying a fundamental disagreement, not in the identity of the kingdom of God, which they both regarded as primarily the Divine Royal Presence, i.e. God himself as king, but in the location of that kingdom. The Pharisees located the kingdom in the here-and-now, Jesus located it in heaven. Conversely, at later stages in the formation of the pericope, the pre-Lukan community identified the kingdom as the Holy Spirit located in individuals with faith in Jesus and the redactor identified the kingdom as Jesus, located both in the Historical Jesus and the Jesus now in heaven. ¶ Chapter 1, after the usual preliminary remarks, presents an analysis of Luke 17:20-21 as a chreia, a literary form ideally suited as the basis on which to compare the beliefs of the Pharisees and Jesus. The work of three scholars vital to the development of the main thesis is then reviewed and evaluated. By way of background, a portrait of the Pharisees is then presented, highlighting in particular, issues that will be of importance in later chapters. Finally, a section on the Aramaic Targums suggests that some targum traditions may be traced back prior to AD 70 and that these reflect the influence and beliefs of first century Palestinian Pharisees. ¶ Chapters 2 and 3 are a consideration of every instance of the explicit mention of God as king (or his kingship) and the Divine Kingdom respectively, in contemporary and earlier Jewish Palestinian literature and in Luke-Acts. A model of the kingdom of God is developed in these chapters that will be applied to Luke 17:20-21 in the next chapter. ¶ Chapter 4 presents a detailed exegesis of Luke 17:20-21, taking into account scholarship on the pericope since the last monograph (an unpublished dissertation of 1962) on the chreia. It offers a composition history of the pericope and measures previous exegesis against the view of the kingdom of God as developed in chapters 2 and 3. ¶ Chapter 5 presents a summary of the work that relates directly to Luke 17:20-21, some implications arising from the findings and, several possible avenues for future research.

Wind resource assessment studies have been conducted in the Israeli side and the Palestinian side before; however, the previous studies were restricted with the political border either Palestinian or Israeli except one of them that was based on measurements dated to 1940-1983 (R. Shabbaneh & A. Hasan, 1997). Moreover, the studies were performed years ago, with simple techniques and based on old data (R. Shabbaneh & A. Hasan, 1997). Hence, the needs for a new study that is based on updated data, and using updated model is highly demanded. This study is intended to perform wind resource assessment in Palestine/Israel; the study has used two stages of assessment, primary one based on reference station data on both sides, Israeli and Palestinian. The second stage of wind resource assessment is based on WindPRO software. The wind resource assessment ends up with identifying sites with higher potential that are situated in four selected sites, North of Palestine/Israel, North of West-bank, Jerusalem, and Eilat, the higher potential was in Eilat area bearing mean wind speed of 9.88m/s at 100 m hub height.Moreover, the study recognized the importance of political situation assessment due to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Based on conducted survey, the political situation assessment concluded that international non-governmental organizations seem to be most capable of starting up wind power project in Palestine/Israel. Furthermore, the study concluded that supportive policies from both the Israeli and Palestinian governments are crucial to promote wind power projects in the region.

The purpose of this thesis is to identify the reasons for Israeli and Palestinian religious objections to peaceful co-existence in a two-state solution to the conflict over the land between the Jordan River and Mediterranean Sea. Developing an understanding of the basic religious requirements and precedents, while consistently considering religious impact in politics, may help to open dialogue between Jewish Gush Emunim and Muslim Palestinian Hamas, strong opponents to land compromise. Arguments by Gush Emunim and Hamas from the two major religious works, the Jewish Tanakh and the Muslim Qur’an, and associated commentaries, the Jewish Talmud and Muslim Hadith, are compared and evaluated for religious insights into the disputed areas. Contemporary interpretations of each major writing and political objections based on religious argumentation create a strong context for modern conflict. The requirements and precedents for peace that come from religious texts also promote open dialogue. This thesis suggests ways to open dialogue between the Israeli and Palestinian cultures, comparing religious texts, interpretations, and concepts, in an effort to promote peaceful co-existence and build an effective strategic narrative.

Le conflit israélo-palestinien dure depuis plus de 60 ans. Non seulement perdure-t-il, il gagne aussi en complexité. Cette thèse s’intéresse à l’expérience d’exil des Palestiniens et plus particulièrement à celle de femmes palestiniennes vivant en camp de réfugiés au Liban. La mémoire palestinienne a longtemps été, dans son ensemble, occultée dans la littérature, et qui plus est l’expérience des femmes; la façon dont leurs récits sont construits nous le démontre bien. La présente étude s’inscrit donc dans la lignée de travaux qui font une place aux « voix silencieuses » que sont souvent celles des femmes réfugiées palestiniennes des camps. Cette thèse s’appuie sur une approche qualitative – récits de vie et observation participante – et fait suite à une recherche qui a été menée entre 2009 et 2011 dans le camp palestinien de Bourj El Barajneh au Liban. Les résultats dégagés confirment que, dans l’exil, une partie de l’expérience de la nakba palestinienne telle que vécue par les femmes s’est perdue. Ceci dit, si la quasi-absence des femmes caractérise l’exode, on voit ces dernières s’affirmer au fil de l’exil qui devient une réalité durable. Au cours des deux premières décennies, les femmes apparaissent comme des « résistantes du quotidien ». Puis, la montée du sentiment national palestinien et l’éclatement de la guerre civile libanaise amènent les femmes à investir de plus en plus l’espace public. En temps de guerre, toutes les femmes participent à la survie de la communauté, et cela, par l’extension de leurs tâches domestiques et sociales. Plus le conflit prend de l’ampleur, plus leurs activités se diversifient : elles intègrent d’autres tâches à celles qui leur sont traditionnellement assignées. À l’issue du conflit, une grande partie des femmes palestiniennes commencent à prendre leurs distances de la lutte nationale partisane. Pour plusieurs d’entre elles, la fin de la guerre est aussi la fin des illusions : elles ont le sentiment d’avoir été abandonnées par la classe politique. Ainsi, le mouvement nationaliste palestinien a certes bousculé les rôles de genre, mais il n’a pas permis d’induire des changements durables. Dans les récits des femmes, on voit qu’à travers l’exil s’est créé un lien avec ce milieu que l’on croyait temporaire, le camp de Bourj El Barajneh : un lien qui se situe au cœur d’une tension entre un pôle réel et un pôle symbolique. Le camp « réel » est décrit comme insalubre, instable et non sécuritaire, et la vie dans ce camp est à ce point précaire et difficile que les femmes s’accrochent à cet autre camp qui, lui, est porteur de mémoire, de souvenirs, de relations et de rêves. C’est d’ailleurs parce que ce second pôle existe que la vie dans le camp peut être tolérée. Si la lutte nationale a été pour une certaine génération de Palestiniennes la préoccupation première, la fin de la guerre signe la perte de vitesse de cette lutte qui s’est longtemps avérée structurante. Ceci dit, le modèle de résistance, lui, persiste. Les femmes continuent de lutter et apparaissent comme des « actrices de la transmission ». L’un de ces projets qu’elles font leur, la transmission de l’identité religieuse, prend rapidement de l’ampleur alors que la communauté palestinienne peine à se relever des affres de la guerre. Nombreuses sont les femmes qui cherchent un sens à la vie dans ce cumul de catastrophes, et la religion les soutient dans cette quête, mais en plus c’est à travers elle que le projet du retour en Palestine est porté. D’ailleurs, la mémoire de la Palestine est une autre valeur que les femmes cherchent à transmettre d’une génération à l’autre. Maintenir la mémoire de la Palestine est un rôle traditionnel de la femme palestinienne. Ceci dit, les femmes ne remplissent pas ce rôle « aveuglément » : elles transmettent une mémoire, un message qu’elles ont cherché, reconstruit, évalué et parfois critiqué. Enfin, un autre projet se manifeste rapidement dans l’exil : la transmission des connaissances, une valeur phare pour les Palestiniennes puisque à la fois stratégie de survie, de développement et d’ascension sociale. Mais pour quelques-unes, l’éducation est une lutte parce que confrontée à des contraintes contextuelles et au poids des traditions. Ainsi, c’est par des valeurs traditionnellement portées et transmises par les femmes – l’identité religieuse, la mémoire et l’éducation – que l’oppression et la colonisation des Palestiniens se combattent au quotidien. / The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has lasted more than 60 years and persists not only in time but also in complexity. This thesis focuses on the Palestinian exile and particularly, the experience of exile of Palestinian women living in refugee camps in Lebanon. Palestinian memory has for a long time been occulted in the literature and specifically, the experience of women and how their stories are constructed by gender. The present study is therefore in a line of work that gives a place to these “silent voices” that are often those of the Palestinian women of the camps. This research is based on a qualitative methodology – life stories and participant observation –, research that took place between 2009 and 2011 in the refugee camp of Bourj El Barajneh in Lebanon. The results show that, in exile, a part of the Palestinian nakba experienced by women, has been lost. That said, if a virtual absence of women characterizes the exodus, over exile, women become more assertive. During the first two decades in exile in Lebanon, women appear as “everyday resistant”. Then, the rise of a national sentiment which was rapidly followed by the outbreak of the Lebanese civil war, made women more and more present in the public space. Indeed, in wartime, all the women were involved in the community’s survival, and that, by an extension of their domestic and social roles. The longer the conflict lasts, the more diverse are their activities: it includes other tasks than those traditionally assigned to them. At the end of the conflict, a large part of Palestinian women are beginning to distance themselves from the national struggle. For many, the end of the war also means the end of illusions: they feel they have been abandoned by the political class. Thus, if the Palestinian nationalist movement has certainly brought changes in gender roles, it has failed to bring about lasting changes. Also, in the women's narratives, we see that in time, a bond is created with the space “Bourj El Barajneh camp”, a, bond that is located in a tension between two poles. First, there is a “real pole” where the camp appears as unsafe and unstable. Second, life in the camp is so precarious and difficult that women cling to another pole, a “symbolic pole” which represents the camp as a bearer of memories, relationships and dreams. And it’s because this last pole exists that life in the camp can be tolerated. If the Palestinian national struggle – for a certain generation of Palestinian women – was the main struggle, the end of the war signed “the end of illusions” and the slowing of the national struggle which has long proven structuring. That said, the pattern of resistance persists while women continue to resist and appear as “actresses of transmission”. The transmission of religious identity quickly gained in importance as the Palestinian community struggled to recover from the horrors of war. Through religion, many women found meaning in a life and it is also through religion that the return to Palestine is now carried. Moreover, the memory of Palestine is another value that women seek to pass on from a generation to another. Even though, passing on the memory of Palestine is a role traditionally carried by women, they do not fulfill it “blindly” but they convey a message that has been sought, rebuilt and sometimes criticized. Finally, another project arrives rapidly in exile: the transmission of knowledge, a core value for Palestinian women as it is a strategy for survival, development and social mobility. But for some, because faced with contextual constraints and the weight of tradition, education is still a struggle. Thus, it is because women carry and transmit traditional values – religious identity, memory and education – that the oppression and colonization of Palestinians can be fought everyday.

自十九世紀中葉，猶太人第一次遷徙到巴勒斯坦，已經過一百五十餘年。猶太民族與世居巴勒斯坦的阿拉伯人，原本還算和睦相處。惟隨著歐洲民族主義的復興，猶太人在受到歐洲人迫害後，亦隨之興起在巴勒斯坦建國的思想。猶太復國主義崛起（Zionism），巴勒斯坦的歷史，從此展開了新頁。 猶太人自廿世紀第二次遷徙至巴勒斯坦後，採取激進的屯墾措施，以巧取豪奪的方法自巴人手中不斷取得土地，擴大版圖，排除在佃地世代務農的巴勒斯坦農民，改僱猶太人，造成佃農生活難以為繼，紛爭於是展開，難以平息，逐漸惡化成衝突，最後導至1936年巴人大規模反抗行動，以巴衝突正式展開，直至二十一世紀。 本論文從歷史發展的脈絡來分析四方路徑圖所提出的解決方案，首先研究自1948至1990年來，在以色列佔領下，以巴衝突的特質（第二章）。其次研究自1991至2002年，第一次巴勒斯坦人民起義後，奧斯陸原則宣言至美國大衛營談判破裂，以巴雙方在終止占領、建立自治政府、移轉權力、交還土地(包含屯墾區)等四方面的履行的情形，來觀察以色列在締結和平協定背後的戰略意圖（第三章）。再研究第二次巴勒斯坦人民起義後，由美國領導，歐盟、俄羅斯及聯合國四方共同參與的四方路徑圖，其所提出的兩國方案，是否可以消弭以巴衝突，從而建立雙方和平。其中值得注意的是以色列所採取的兩手策略：─面進行和平談判，一面準備單方隔離計畫。並對路徑圖未來可能的發展提出看法（第四章）。 最後的結論是四方路徑圖所提出的兩國方案似難解決以巴間長期衝突，而達成和平，將來可能的發展是一國方案（第五章）。 / In mid-nineteenth century, the first wave (aliyah) of Jews started to immigrate to Palestine. Jewish immigrants and indigenous Palestinians were getting along peacefully in Palestine at the outset. But after a spate of nationalism rose in Europe, Jews became the persecuted. Political Zionism thrived among Jews, which initiated the idea of building their own state in Palestine. A new chapter in the history of Palestine was written. Jewish immigrants to Palestine since the second aliyah were much more progressive. They were particularly interested in establishing a Jewish state and hoped to create Jewish settlements independently worked by Jewish farm laborers. This land buying policy led to tensions with Palestinian peasants, who were unable to find work among the new immigrant communities. Numerous land disputes deteriorated into tension between the two communities, as more Palestinians were displaced by Jewish land buying policy. Unemployed Palestinians became increasingly hostile towards the Zionists. At last, the first Arab revolt burst out in 1936. From there, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict began and has continued into the 21st century. The thesis analyses the solutions of the Road Map to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the context of history. It studies first the characteristics of the conflict from 1948 to 1990 (Chapter One). Then, it observes the past record of the peace process from 1991 to 2002 by the two sides through implementations of DOP, until the collapse of the Camp David Talks that caused the second intifada. By reviewing the past record of peace in contrast with its implementations regarding ending Israeli occupation, building a Palestinian self-government (PNA), transfer of powers and land (including Israeli settlements) to the PNA, one is able to realize the Israeli strategic intentions hidden behind those peace agreements (Chapter Three). Next, the thesis studies the two-state formula proposed by the US-led Quartet Road Map (the US, the EU, Russia and the UN), to understand its feasibility to solve the second intifada and build peace. It should be noted that Israel took a two-handed strategy: preparing for a disengagement plan while negotiating for peace. An appraisal of the future prospect of the Road Map is included in this chapter (Chapter Four). The conclusion of the thesis is that the Quartet Road Map could not solve the prolonged Israeli-Palestinian conflict and reach a sustained peace between the two peoples. Future development of the conflict may result in a one-state solution (Chapter Five).

This thesis examines the political trajectory of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) during the period from the 1982 eviction of the Palestinian factions from their headquarters in Beirut, to the 2006-07 division between Hamas and Fatah in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). During this period, the PFLP experienced a process of decline that resulted in its marginalisation within the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the wider Palestinian national movement. This study addresses the issue of the PFLP’s decline by focusing on its own political agency to determine the role of policy and decision making, ideology and political narrative in the marginalisation process. This work therefore, on the one hand, aims at putting the PFLP’s decline into historical perspective, identifying it as a process rather than simply the effect of outstanding events as it is often argued. On the other, its goal is to ascribe to ‘subjective factors’, namely aspects directly linked to the PFLP’s agency, the adequate weight in determining its decline. This appears particularly significant as the weakening of the Palestinian left has been frequently explained as a by-product of global and local external or ‘objective’ developments such as the downfall of the Soviet Union or the emergence of political Islam. By providing a comprehensive and processual analysis of the PFLP’s decline, this study not only aims at complementing the literature on the Palestinian national movement, which still lacks a focused approach on the main Palestinian leftist force. It also aims at shedding light on a major cause, and its historical origins, of the current Palestinian political impasse, namely the absence of an alternative between Hamas and the PNA’s governing entities, both crippled by a legitimacy crisis and unable to progress Palestinian interests. By virtue of its close survey of the PFLP’s conduct, a further goal of this thesis is to address the historical role of the PLO and its de-facto heir, the PNA. What is evidenced is the double, and contradictory, role of the essential but also constraining framework that the PLO and later the PNA represented for the PFLP’s policies. The focus on the PFLP’s political agency allows the identification of a pattern in its policy which affected negatively its standing within the Palestinian national movement. Throughout the period addressed, policy fluctuation marked the PFLP’s action, undermining the effectiveness of its political line and jeopardising its political weight. The present study highlights how such a policy fluctuation pattern originated from major dilemmas and contradictions that the PFLP had to consider while producing its policies. The main dilemma, informing all other sources of tensions affecting the PFLP, has been defined as an ‘opposition-integration’ dilemma. In other words, the PFLP, while opposing the PLO leadership’s policies, first and foremost its quest for a diplomatic settlement with Israel under US patronage, needed to maintain its integration within the PLO regime, which represented an essential economic and political framework. This produced inconsistent, ‘fluctuant’ policies that prevented the PFLP from maintaining its political weight and stopping its marginalisation process. This opposition-integration dilemma was combined with other sources of tensions marking the PFLP such as: relations with other PLO opposition factions, relations with Arab partners, its contacts with Palestinian Islamists, the confrontation with the PNA after the 1993 Oslo accords or the internal divide between the exiled leadership and the cadres located in the OPT. The PFLP’s official publications, mainly retrieved from its mouthpiece, Al-Hadaf magazine, embodied the main source upon which this study relies. Beside this corpus of documents, other primary sources, such as documents issued by relevant actors, have been scrutinised, while all information has been read against the background of the wider academic literature currently available on the Palestinian national movement. This research also drew information from interviews with former and current PFLP members as well as with experts of the Palestinian national movement.

This research aims at finding how BBC and AJE media represented the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The study examines the news website, which reported the recent escalation of Jerusalem conflict in December 2017, where US President Trump have recognized Jerusalem as Israeli capital, and declared to move the US embassy from Tel-Aviv to Jerusalem. The study uses qualitative research, where it investigated the impact of ideology on media discourse by means of critical discourse analysis (DHA, Topoi, and Social actor’s representation). CDA was carried out for a sample of 8 news articles published on the websites of two networks: the British Broadcasting Corporation World news "BBCWN" and the Middle Eastern Qatari owned "Al Jazeera English". The articles were chosen within the month of December 2017. Articles were analyzed by means of the two-level analysis method, including the thematic and in-depth analysis. On the first, entry-level analysis, I focus on contents of texts and outline the discourse topics. While in the second phase I analyze the means of discursive strategies and the representation of social actors utilized throughout the text. The thematic analysis revealed that, both BBC and AJE have covered the incident similarly in general look. However, in-depth analysis showed that each network had portrayed the images of Israelis and Palestinians differently. On contrast of AJE, BBC tends to perceive Palestinians as a threat and the Israeli one as victims of the Palestinian violation. Moreover, the analysis revealed that each network had different ideologies and aims. The study concludes that AJE articles was biased pro-Palestinians, while BBC articles was biased pro-Israelis.

Ce travail tente d’une part, d’étudier les origines de la thématique du retour d’exil et ses différentes formes dans la littérature arabe : la forme de retour chez les écrivains arabes contemporains et celle des poètes du Mahğar. Puis, la forme du retour dans la poésie classique, notamment chez les poètes qui sont rentrés chez eux après une longue absence. Enfin, la forme de retour chez les poètes préislamiques, telle qu’elle se manifeste dans « al-Muqaddimaẗ al-ṭalaliyyaẗ » (l’introduction des ruines). D’autre part, notre étude tente d’explorer la thématique de retour dans la littérature palestinienne contemporaine et de montrer la particularité de ce phénomène chez les auteurs palestiniens revenus en Palestine après les Accords d’Oslo en 1993. En effet, plusieurs d’entre eux abordent la thématique du retour dans des œuvres littéraires variées. Ils y expriment souvent l’échec et la déception face à la réalité retrouvée. En outre, cette étude s’intéresse à la complexité du retour dans la littérature palestinienne. En effet, deux problématiques principales émergent : la première est liée au phénomène du retour d’exil et la deuxième est liée au contexte socio-politique particulier de la Palestine. Ces deux problématiques font du cas du retour palestinien un phénomène à part dans la littérature arabe contemporaine. / This research attempts on one hand, to study the origins of the theme of return and its various forms in Arabic literature : as perceived by contemporary arab writers versus by poets of Mahğar. Then, the shape of the return in classical poetry, especially among poets who have returned back home after a long absence. Eventually, the shape it adopted among pre-Islamic poets, as illustrated in « al-muqaddimaẗ ṭalaliyyaẗ » (the introduction of the ruins). On the other hand, our study intents to explore the theme of return in contemporary Palestinian literature and to demonstrate the peculiarity of this phenomenon among Palestinian returnee authors after Oslo agreements in 1993. Indeed, many of them oftently expressed the failure and disappointment facing the newfound reality. Furthermore, this research addresses the return’s complexity in Palestinian literature. Indeed, two main issues were raised : the first one is related to the phenomenon of return from exile and the second one, to the specific political context of Palestine. These two issues render unique the Palestinian return, a phenomenon in contemporary Arabic literature.

Este trabalho analisa a criação e manutenção dos espaços de diálogo não oficial entre as sociedades israelense e palestina após o fracasso do Processo de Paz de Oslo. Sendo que a atuação da sociedade civil foi considerada fator fundamental para o início das negociações na década de 1990, a pesquisa investiga como a falência das conversas oficiais afetou o movimento pela paz. Em particular, foca nos desafios enfrentados por organizações da sociedade civil - OSCs, que promovem diálogo em vistas à resolução do conflito e nas estratégias que usam para lidar com eles. Os resultados apresentados são produto de uma pesquisa qualitativa, conduzida durante dez semanas em Israel e na Cisjordânia, com oito organizações locais. Os desafios levantados pela pesquisa são: 1) senso de desesperança de que o conflito ainda possa ser resolvido leva a um alcance mínimo de pessoas pelo movimento pela paz; 2) barreiras físicas e psicossociais tornam escassos os espaços compartilhados e os indivíduos mais resistentes ao diálogo; 3) debate sobre antinormalização na sociedade palestina vê diálogo como normalização e ativistas pela paz como \"agentes do inimigo\"; 4) pressão a OSCs e ativistas pela paz em Israel por meio de leis e propostas de leis, desacreditando-os e rotulando-os como \"agentes estrangeiros\", trabalhando por interesses contrários aos do Estado. Diante das dificuldades, conclui-se que o papel do diálogo não oficial é marginal e praticamente irrelevante para a retomada de negociações. No entanto, as estratégias usadas pelas OSCs mostram que o diálogo possui enorme potencial diante do atual impasse político, como espaço derradeiro em que as sociedades podem se encontrar e estabelecer relações de confiança, tolerância e respeito mútuo, primordiais para qualquer processo de paz. / The present study analyzes the creation and maintenance of spaces for unofficial dialogue between Israeli and Palestinian societies after the failure of the Oslo Peace Process. Civil society was considered a key factor in starting negotiations in the 1990s. From that, the research investigates how the crash of official talks affected the peace movement. In particular, it focuses on the challenges faced by civil society organizations - CSOs, promoting dialogue in order to solve the conflict and the strategies they use to deal with them. The findings are the result of a qualitative research conducted over 10 weeks in Israel and the West Bank with eight local organizations. The main challenges pointed by the research are: 1) a sense of hopelessness that the conflict can still be solved leads to a minimum reach of people by the peace movement; 2) physical and psychosocial barriers make shared spaces scarce and individuals more resistant to dialogue; 3) the anti-normalization debate in Palestinian society sees dialogue as normalization and peace activists as \"agents of the enemy\"; 4) pressure on CSOs and peace activists in Israel through laws and bills, delegitimizing them and labeling them as \"foreign agents\", working for interests contrary to the State. In the face of difficulties, it is concluded that the role of unofficial dialogue is marginal and practically irrelevant for the resumption of negotiations. However, the strategies used by the CSOs shows that dialogue has enormous potential in the face of the current political impasse, as the ultimate space in which societies can meet and establish relationships of trust, tolerance and mutual respect, which are paramount to any peace process.