Submitted by Rosina Valeria Lanzellotti Mattiussi Teixeira (rosina.teixeira@unisantos.br) on 2017-10-27T18:27:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Sidney da Cunha Vida Silva.pdf: 869381 bytes, checksum: 096a4b49b17b2a4568b0ddc0de3d9732 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-27T18:27:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sidney da Cunha Vida Silva.pdf: 869381 bytes, checksum: 096a4b49b17b2a4568b0ddc0de3d9732 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-13 / The environmental issue tends to be somewhat prone to degradation, since the man uses its natural resources, in the midst of your financial/economic growth. In this way, is something worrying about your exploration, since, the constitutional text punctuation in your device art. 225 "everyone is entitled to an ecologically balanced environment, common use of people and essential to healthy quality of life, and to the Government and the collective duty to defend it and preserve it for present and future generations". However, in addition to the society, the Government also has the power to defend it and preserves it, in this way, the Legislature has emerged the need for creation of Committee to discuss and approve measures related to the protection of the environment, signaling a willingness not only to how to debate, discuss and create opinion on civil society, as well as the primordial function of proposing vote and boost laws justifying your nomenclature, namely to reconcile protection of the environment with the promotion of sustainable development in Brazil, in order to influence legislation and be a crucial Forum in formulating national policies that relate to the environment. / A questão ambiental tende a ser algo propenso a degradação, uma vez que o homem utiliza-se de seus recursos naturais, em meio a seu crescimento econômico/financeiro. Desta forma, é algo preocupante quanto a sua exploração, haja vista que, o texto constitucional pontua em seu dispositivo art. 225 ¿Todos têm direito ao meio ambiente ecologicamente equilibrado, bem de uso comum do povo e essencial à sadia qualidade de vida, impondo-se ao poder público e à coletividade o dever de defende-lo e preservá-lo para as presentes e futuras gerações¿. Contudo, além da sociedade, o poder público também tem o condão em defende-lo e preserva-lo, deste modo, o Poder Legislativo despontou a necessidade de criação de comissão própria para discutir e aprovar medidas relacionadas à proteção do ambiente, sinalizando assim a disposição não apenas de debater, discutir e criar movimentos de opinião na sociedade civil, como também a função primordial de propor, votar e impulsionar leis que justifiquem a sua nomenclatura, ou seja, conciliar a proteção ao meio ambiente com a promoção do desenvolvimento sustentável no Brasil, de forma a influenciar, legislar e ser um fórum decisivo na formulação de políticas nacionais que se relacionem com o meio ambiente brasileiro.

This research essay examines the emergence and development of the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade and its attempts to influence foreign policy. Established as the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs in 1952, it was the first committee to have a specific portfolio alignment. The purpose of the committee was to ensure that a considerable number of parliamentarians could become informed about foreign affairs issues. The establishment of a committee for such a purpose was surprising in that proponents of parliamentary reform at that tune were strongly advocating that a comprehensive system of committees be created for the purposes of financial scrutiny of government expenditure and consideration of legislation. Against this background it is interesting that the new committee was not given - and indeed showed no intention of assuming - the role of scrutinising the activities of the Department of External (and later, Foreign) Affairs. It is also interesting that Prime Minister Robert Menzies instigated the committee despite the fact that the government - and particularly the Minister for External Affairs R G Casey - feared the committee might go beyond its terms of reference and attempt to exert influence on government policy. Consequently the government imposed severe restrictions on the committee's activities which resulted in the Opposition steadfastly refusing to participate in the work of the committee for 15 years. Once some of these restrictions were removed, the committee began to operate as a bipartisan committee in 1967 and promptly set about attempting to influence government policy in foreign affairs. Casey's worst fears were realised. Over the years the brief of the committee expanded into the areas of defence and trade. Eleven of the committee's reports address significant defence issues and since 1987 the committee has conducted extensive inquiries into trade matters. For the purposes of this research essay however I have focused on the development of the committee's interest and influence in the area of foreign affairs. Chapter One of this essay describes the background of parliamentary reform which resulted in the establishment of a comprehensive system of committees within the Australian Parliament. Against this background the emergence of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs is outlined in Chapter Two. Chapter Three identifies the major trends in the work of the committee while Chapter Four examines the influence and some of the mechanisms through which the committee has exerted pressure on foreign affairs policy. The conclusions of my research are addressed in Chapter Five. This research essay is based on an analysis of official committee documents which address foreign affairs issues from 1967 to the present. The major sources for the essay therefore are the reports of the committee, government responses to those reports and parliamentary debates. Other works consulted include academic journals and monographs. I have also gained numerous insights into the powers and limitations of committees through informal discussions with members of various committees and colleagues. To these people I am indebted for their thoughtful and provocative remarks. In particular I thank Professor John Halligan of the University of Canberra for his assistance and encouragement in bringing this research essay to its conclusion.

<p>Based on widespread public debate prior to Swedish EMU-referendum 2003, the main purpose of this thesis is to examine and analyze the standpoint of the Swedish parliamentary parties in the EMU-issue, from perspektive of the following questions;</p><p>1) What is the official standpoint of the parliamentary parties in the EMU-issue?</p><p>2) What claimed effects of a Swedish EMU-membership or non-membership have the parties presented?</p><p>3) What rifts can be found within the parties, in relation to their official standpoint in the EMU-issue?</p><p>The Sweidish parliamentary parties´ standpoint in the EMU-issue will be analyze from the point of view of a number of current theories. These theories are basically democrazy theories that all have transnationalization and Europeanization as a common ground.</p><p>The conclusions are, among others, that the parliamentary parties` standpoints in the EMU-issue are based on ideological values about whether or not a Swedish EMU-membership is good for Sweden. The Liberal Party, the Christian Democrats, the Moderate Party and the Social Party have a positive view on EMU and a deeper European integration, and basically value the economic efficency of the EMU higher than democratic decision making and a national currency and monetary policy. As for the EMU-critical parties such as the Centre Party, the Green Party and the Left Party, their view in the EMU-issue can be regarded as more nationalistic, since they say no to an exapanded financial cooperation. A contibuting factor to their standpoint in this issue is that they value the national influence over currency and monetary policies, and democratic decision making higher than the economic effciency of the EMU.</p><p>The Swedish parliamentary parties have suggested a number of effects of a Swedish EMU-membership or non-membership. In general; all parties tend to exaggerate the factors which benefit their own EMU-standpoint, and to some extent discard those which oppose their stand in the EMU-issue.</p><p>This thesis makes it clear that regarding the EMU-issue all of the parliamentary parties are more or less divided. The Moderate Party and the Liberal Party are seen as the most united for a Swedish EMU-membership, whereas the Left Party and the Green Party are the most united against Sweden joining the EMU. The Centre Party is resonably united in their opposition to a Swedish membership, apart from a small minority of EMU-advocates. The Christian Democrats and the Social Democrats, on the other hand, are the most devided parties in the EMU-issue.</p> / <p>Med anledning av den omfattande debatten inför den svenska EMU-folkomröstningen år 2003 är det huvudsakliga syftet med denna uppsats att undersöka samt analysera de svenska riksdagspartiernas ställningstagande i EMU-frågan utifrån följande frågeställningar:</p><p>1) Vilka är de svenska riksdagspartiernas officiella ståndpunkter i EMU-frågan?</p><p>2) Vilka påstådda effekter har riksdagspartierna fört fram vid ett svenskt EMU-medlemskap eller ett EMU-utanförskap?</p><p>3) Vilka splittringar finns det inom riksdagspartierna i relation till partiernas officiella ställningstagande i EMU-frågan?</p><p>De svenska riksdagspartiernas förhållningssätt i EMU-frågan behandlas utifrån flera demokratiteorier som har transnationaliseringen och europeiseringen som gemensam bas.</p><p>Slutsatserna är bland andra att riksdagspartiernas ställningstagande i EMU-frågan bottnar i ideologiska värderingar om att ett svenskt EMU-medlemskap är bra respektive dåligt för Sverige. Folkpartiet, kristdemokraterna, moderaterna och socialdemokraterna är positiva till EMU och till en fördjupad europeisk integration där de i grund och botten värderar EMU:s ekonomiska effektivitet mer än en demokratisk beslutsordning och en nationell valuta- och penningpolitik. När det gäller EMU-kritiska partierna som centerpartiet, miljöpartiet och vänsterpartiet är deras synsätt i EMU-frågan att betrakta som mer nationalistiskt eftersom de säger nej till ett utökat ekonomiskt samarbete. En bidragande orsak till deras uppfattning i denna fråga är att de värdesätter det nationella inflytandet över valuta- och penningpolitiken samt en demokratisk bestlutsordning mer än EMU:s ekonomiska effektivitet.</p><p>Sveriges riksdagspartier har fört fram många påstådda effekter vid ett svenskt EMU-medlemskap eller ett EMU-utanförskap. Generellt sett tenderar alla riksdagspartier förstora de faktorer som främjar deras egna EMU-ståndpunkter och i viss mån förkasta det som går tvärt emot deras ställningstagande i EMU-frågan.</p><p>Moderaterna och folkpartiet bedöms vara de mest enade partierna för ett svenskt EMU-medlemskap medan vänsterpartiet och miljöpartiet är de mest sammanhållna partierna mot en svensk EMU-anslutning. Centerpartiet är förhållandevis överens i sitt EMU-motstånd bortsett från en mindre minoritet med EMU-förespråkare. Kristdemokraterna och socialdemokraterna är däremot de mest splittrade partierna i EMU-frågan.</p>

Till följd av Vattenfalls uppmärksammade investeringar i fossilbränslebaserad energiverksamhet har vi genom att analysera den riksdagspolitiska debatten kring Vattenfall, sökt efter återkommande yttranden, genom vilka vi  konstruerat diskurser som står för vad riksdagspolitiska aktörer anser i frågan om det statliga styret av Vattenfall. Vi kommer fram till att det inte helt oväntat går att skapa två övergripande diskurser, där de olika politiska blocken verkar inom varsin diskurs i frågan om hur Vattenfalls miljöintentioner ska uppnås.

The debates over the structure of the Turkish government in the context of Public Administration Reform that point to restructuration of state and/or to re-organization of social relations between state, market and &amp / #8216 / civil society&amp / #8217 / have gained momentum especially since the arrival of draft law about Main Principles of Public Administration and Restructuring of Public Administration to the Turkish Parliament. This thesis attempts to analyze the debate on recent public administration reform in Turkey in the contexts of the socio-economic transformations of new capitalism/neo-liberalism within the notion of decentralization and of how/in what ways the neoliberal policies have been legitimated within the specific historical context of Turkish public administration reform. The purpose of the study is to understand the connection between the legal text of public sector reform and the social context in which these legal regulations find their meanings. For this aim, the debate on public administration reform in the Turkish Parliament was argued as a discursive battlefield where the demands and interests of the conflicting social groups &amp / #8216 / clash&amp / #8217 / with each other. Therefore, this study concentrates its attention on the critical analysis of the discursive acts of the Justice and Development Party government, and of the Republican People&amp / #8217 / s Party on reform for understanding how both authority/legitimacy and resistance/de-legitimacy are (re)produced within the parliamentary debates/discourse.

This thesis concentrates upon a largely neglected subject wi thin contemporary political history, that is the transition in London government from the London County Council (L.C.C.) to the Greater London Council (G.L.C.). It is a study of the actions and reactions of poli tical parties at central government, county council, and district council level, and incorporates the role of non-political party pressure groups. The bulk of the thesis is concerned with the L.C.C. area. Consideration is, however, given to the non-L.C.C. area incorporated into the larger C.L.C. This work demonstrates that there was no consensus regarding the need for reform. It is argued that the lack of consensus led to compromises that failed to satisfy many interested groups and thus the C.L.C. was often perceived to be flawed. This thesis derives from an exhaustive literature search and extensive reading. The records of political parties were very useful. Newspapers and journals aided research, as did a series of interviews with key surviving individuals. A further source of information were the minutes of various local authorities and connected bodies. Previously unavailable records have been used, for example, Conservative Party and Government records. With the aid of these new sources this work uniquely concentrates on exposing the political constraints and biases that caused a flawed local government system to be introduced.

This thesis conducts a legal analysis of the Duchy of Cornwall and how its perceived status has changed over the centuries. The roots of the Duchy date back nearly a thousand years therefore an understanding of the roots of the Duchy and its evolution, focussing on the significant legal issues, over time is necessary to comprehend its present position. The thesis concludes by exploring issues surrounding the contemporary legal status of the Duchy and identifies areas in which there is a convenient ambiguity. In doing so it establishes that while the Duchy and Government describe it as a “private estate” it enjoys privileges and rights which are unique to a “private estate”. In addition it has a significant role in supporting the United Kingdom’s Head of State, the Sovereign, and the heir to the throne. The associated research undertaken in connection with this thesis presents new information which challenges the arguments of those who claim via the Duchy a special constitutional status for Cornwall. The evidence also suggests that the Duchy is not, despite claims to the contrary, publicly accountable in way that is expected in the 21st Century. The possibilities suggested by the Freedom of Information Act 2000 have been utilised and the experience gained will be of value to future researchers. As a consequence of the refusal of public authorities to provide information five complaints have been made to the Information Commissioner and there have been, at the time of writing, four cases in front of the First Tier Tribunal (Information Rights). The material contained within the National Archives has been comprehensively investigated for the first time by anyone with any interest in the Duchy. This has revealed significant new information which although publicly available was not generally known and casts new light on the status of the Duchy. An exploration of the Parliamentary Archives, not previously undertaken, raises questions about the basis of the privileges enjoyed by the Duchy. A similarly detailed review of the legal material, including important court cases challenges the “rights” claimed for the Duchy.

Disertacinis darbas pirmą kartą išsamiai sistemiškai nagrinėjamas parlamentinės kontrolės institutas kaip konstitucinės teisės dalis, sudaranti parlamentinės teisės pošakį ir disertaciniame darbe, remiantis Didžiosios Britanijos, Vokietijos, Jungtinių Amerikos Valstijų ir Prancūzijos parlamentinės kontrolės modelių analize, vertinamas Lietuvos parlamentinės kontrolės modelis ir jo įgyvendinimas. Disertacinio darbo tikslas - išnagrinėti ir įvertinti parlamentinės kontrolės institutą kaip konstitucinės teisės institutą. Darbas sudarytas iš įvado, darbo metodologijos ir tyrimų apžvalgos, keturių dėstomosios dalies skyrių, išvadų ir pasiūlymų. Pirmojoje disertacinio darbo dalyje analizuojama tautos suvereniteto doktrinos ir valdžių padalijimo principo įtaka parlamentinės kontrolės instituto, vystymuisi. Antrojoje - nagrinėjamas parlamentinės kontrolės ir priežiūros sąvokų įvairovės ir specifinių bruožų klausimas ir parlamentinės kontrolės sąvokos turinio aspektai: sensu stricto ir sensu largo. Trečiojoje darbo dalyje analizuojami parlamentinės kontrolės įgyvendinimo modeliai senosios demokratijos valstybėse. Nagrinėjant parlamentinės kontrolės institutą, analizuojama ir parlamentinė praktika, „tipiniai“ modeliai demokratinėse valstybėse, šių modelių įgyvendinimo ypatumai. Ketvirtojoje disertacinio darbo dalyje nagrinėjamas Lietuvos Respublikos Vyriausybės veiklos parlamentinės kontrolės įgyvendinimo modelis. Nagrinėjama ne tik Konstitucinio Teismo doktrina, bet ir parlamentinė... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The doctoral for the first time it systematically studies the institute of parliamentary control as a part of the constitutional law forming a sub-branch of the parliamentary law and the doctoral dissertation provides the evaluation of the Lithuanian model of parliamentary control and its implementation based on the analysis of such models in Great Britain, Germany, the United States of America and France. The aim of the doctoral dissertation is to analyze and assess the institute of parliamentary control as the institute of constitutional law. The dissertation includes the introduction, methodology and research reviews, four chapters of the body, conclusions and recommendations. The first part of the doctoral dissertation analyses the influence of the Nation‘s sovereignty doctrine and the principle of separation of power on the development of the institute of parliamentary control. The second part establishes problem of variety in definitions specific features of parliamentary control and supervision and content dimensions of the parliamentary control definition: sensu stricto and sensu largo. The third part of the doctoral dissertation analyses models of parliamentary control implementation in the countries of the old democracy. Together with the institute of parliamentary control, the parliamentary practice is also studies, as well as “typical” models in the democratic countries and peculiarities of implementation of these models. The forth part of the dissertation... [to full text]

Self-published web diaries called blogs are one manifestation of the Internet’s potential to create new discursive and dialogic spaces for citizens. Blogs are described by their authors and others in the news media (as well as some academic commentators) as a medium that potentially fosters political dialogue in the spirit of Habermas’ conceptual “public sphere.” Blogs also serve as potential competitors to mass media outlets in political debates in two distinct ways: first, by acting as agenda-setters and framers of issues, events and figures and second, by challenging journalistic norms such as the principles of fairness, neutrality and non-partisanship. In spite of these claims, however, very little empirical evidence exists to date on whether political blogs perform the roles of agenda-setters, gatekeepers or framers, or whether they are actually seen as a challenge or potential replacement to mass media outlets by themselves, by journalists or by those who could utilize blogs to transmit messages to the public. This thesis examines these questions as they pertain to Canadian politics, focusing on the interaction between journalists, partisan bloggers and political communications practitioners to assess whether blogs written by explicitly partisan authors actually: 1) create unique discursive spaces for discussion of Canadian political issues, 2) set agendas for political discussion and set issues and 3) serve as an occupational threat/potential replacement to media outlets for disseminating political information. Using surveys and content analysis, this thesis contends that partisan blogs largely mimic political discussion already occurring in media-produced content and are perceived as a potential, though not completely credible, replacement for shaping political agendas and disseminating information.

This thesis is a situational study of the use and exercise of emergency powers in Malaysia, undertaken from the perspective of the principles underlying the Malaysian Constitution. The primary focus and perspective are Malaysian, and I use comparative materials where I consider they may help to Illuminate that perspective and the way in which emergency powers have been used. A unique situation has been created whereby the Malaysian Government has the option of taking measures under one or other of two legal regimes. The thesis, therefore, examines the development of this parallel government system. it includes discussion of the considerations that animated writing reserve powers into the Malaysian Constitution and the near Institutionalisation of the state of emergency In Malaysia, using this historical background to focus on the role of the judiciary In crisis situations, the incorporation of certain traditional elements of Malay society into the Constitution, and the existence of racial 'bargaining' in developing the Constitution. The thesis then examines the distinct legal order created by a state of emergency, within the context of the reality of the Malaysian polity. Hence, there is an examination of the four actual instances when an emergency was proclaimed in the country. An examination is also undertaken of the various amendments made to Article 150 over the years which has reduced much of the safeguards originally built into the provision. This examination suggests that Article 150 in Its present form, is debilitative of parliamentary government largely because of the dual system of law-making created by a state of emergency. The thesis therefore provides an insight into the working of a major constitutional democracy seeking to reconcile the need to maintain emergency powers and realise the objective of a parliamentary system envisaged by its Federal Constitution.