During the parliamentary elections in Sweden between 2006 and 2018 has the Sweden Democrats success increased enormously. The party went from 2,93% in 2006 to 17,53% in 2018, which is a rapid increase. The aim of this essay is to examine Sweden Democrats and the party’s successes by analyzing existing research within the same topic and if the research explanations for the increased election results have changed over time. A qualitative text analysis will be used in order to explain the Sweden Democrats’ increased election results. The text analysis is a systematized analysis. The essay's analysis is divided in three different time intervals, the first interval is between the years 2010-2013, the second interval is between the years 2014-2017 and the last interval is between the years 2018-2021. In each of these three intervals there will be five different researches that’s going to be analyzed. The analysis of the essay concludes for instance that the Sweden Democrats increased success depends on sociocultural problems, media exposure and the voter’s dissatisfaction with the established parties.

Denna studie berör medieplattformen Instagram och hur den används inom svensk politik. Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur Instagram påverkar svenska riksdagspartiers arbete och hur arbetet kan anpassas till användarna av Instagram. Studien har genomförts med hjälp av en kvalitativ metod, där semistrukturerade intervjuer utgör resultatet. Studien behandlar tre svenska riksdagspartier, samt inkluderar fyra användare av Instagram. Resultatet har genomförts med teori som innefattar utvecklingen av Instagram i Sverige, politik och användningen av Instagram i politik utanför Sverige. Studiens slutsats visar på att politiska partiers användning av Instagram öppnar upp för en ny målgrupp, bidrar till nya kommunikationssätt och ger möjlighet till att engagera fler i sin politik. / This essay concerns the Instagram media platform and how it is used in Swedish politics. The purpose of the paper is to investigate how Instagram affects the work of the Swedish parliament and how it can be adapted to the users of Instagram. The essay has been conducted using a qualitative method, where semi-structured interviews constitute the result. The essay deals with three Swedish parliamentary parties and includes four users of Instagram. The result has been conducted with theory that includes Instagram's development in Sweden, politics and Instagram's use in politics outside of Sweden. The conclusion of the essay shows that the use of Instagram by political parties opens up to a new target group, contributes to new ways of communication and allows for more involvement in politics.

<p>Den 17 september 2006 röstade det svenska folket för ett maktskifte i riksdagen. Den nya regeringsmakten gick under namnet Allians för Sverige och bestod av partierna Moderaterna, Centerpartiet, Folkpartiet och Kristdemokraterna. För skapandet av denna allians utarbetade partierna en tydlig gemensam politik och ett gemensamt valmanifest.</p><p>Detta är en undersökning om vad dessa fyra partier har fått offra av sin egen politik till den gemensamma politikens fördel, samt om något eller några partier har fått åsidosätta större del politik än resterande partier. Den beroende variabeln är därmed graden av office-seeking. För undersökningen har partiernas valmanifest 2002 varit utgångspunkten. På denna grund har partiernas politiska meningsskiljaktigheter noterats. Partiernas respektive ståndpunkter har därefter jämförts mot vad den gemensamma politiken från 2006 och framåt avser. För att visa på eventuella vinnare och förlorare avseende partiernas genomslag av den egna politiken har spelteorin Chicken race används. Chicken race, vars namn härstammar från spelet om att vika undan eller riskera kollision, visar hur partierna har agerat i frågor som karaktäriserats av olika åsikter.</p><p>Resultatet visar att de tre mindre partierna i Allians för Sverige har högre grad av office-seeking än vad det större partiet Moderaterna har.</p><p> </p><p> </p>

Sverigedemokraterna är ett radikalt högerpopulistiskt parti som fortsätter att öka sedan valet år 2010. Vid en opinionsundersökning i april 2012 skulle partiet få 8 procent av medborgarnas röster. Syftet med vår uppsats är att förstå och förklara vilka orsaker som ligger till grund för att allt fler medborgare röstar på Sverigedemokraterna. För att kunna besvara syftet med uppsatsen har vi valt att göra en kvalitativ studie genom att med semistrukturerade intervjuer undersöka upplevelser och attityder till dagens samhällsförändringar bland Sverigedemokraternas väljare och relatera deras upplevelser till tidigare forskning inom ämnet. För att besvara vårt syfte blir frågeställningarna följande: På vilket sätt kan SD som parti locka allt fler väljare i dagens globaliserade Sverige? Vilka faktorer kan ligga till grund för att vissa medborgare röstar på SD? Samt vad tror de att SD kan bidra med och förändra i det svenska samhället och mer specifikt för deras egen situation? Vårt teoretiska ramverk är globalisering, representationen ”Vi och Dom”, nation/nationalism och välfärdschauvinism. Med dessa teorier kommer vi ur ett sociologiskt perspektiv förklara vilka samhällsprocesser som interagerar med väljarnas vardagssituation och därmed ligger till grund för deras politiska beslut. Det slutgiltiga resultatet visar att radikal högerpopulistisk retorik är genomgående i samtliga intervjuer. Invandring och välfärdsfrågor var det viktigaste faktorerna till varför intervjupersonerna röstade på Sverigedemokraterna. / The Sweden Democrats is a radical right wing party who continue to increase since the elections in 2010. At a poll in April 2012, the party would get 8 percent of the votes. The purpose of our paper is to understand and explain the reasons underlying that more and more citizens vote for the Sweden Democrats. To be able to respond to the purpose of the paper, we have chosen to make a qualitative study by using semi-structured interviews examine the experiences and attitudes of today's social changes among the Sweden Democrats ' voters and relate their experiences to the previous research on the subject. To answer our purpose becomes the following questions: In what way can the SD as an increasing number of voters in the party attract today's globalized Sweden? What factors can serve as the basis for that some citizens vote on SD? What do they think that SD can contribute and change in Swedish society and more specifically for their own situation? Our theoretical framework is globalization, representation "We and Them" nation/nationalism and welfare-chauvinism. With these theories we come from a sociological perspective to explain what social processes that interact with voters ' living situation and thus is the basis for their policy decisions. The final result shows that radical right wing rhetoric is consistently in all interviews. Immigration and welfare issues were the main factors why the respondents voted for the Sweden Democrats.

The autumn 2015 represented a critical juncture for Swedish migration politics. Prime Minister Löfven’s government tightened immigration policies in accordance with proposals made since long by the radical right wing party the Sweden Democrats (SD). But did the critical juncture and the following migration policies involve new political strategies against SD, and how have the mainstream parties’ leaders’ perspective on immigration been affected? The analysis is based on systemic functional grammar and scholarly literature concerning perspectives on immigration. Policy proposals, party leaders’ perspectives on immigration and party leaders’ positioning in immigration-related television debates from 2014 and 2017 are compared. The results confirm previous research showing that there was a strong convergence amongst mainstream parties 2014, in migration politics as well as in positioning against SD. In 2017, the migration issue has split up into more detailed issues like family reunification, temporary residence permits and differentiated welfare. The utility perspective on immigration was salient in 2014. In 2017, two new central perspectives on immigration were constructed: the strain perspective and the reversed rights perspective. The study suggests that immigration-related issues has gone from being a forum for distance making between mainstream parties and SD, to be like any other issue – a forum for the usual political dynamics between governing parties and opposition.

In this qualitative text analysis paper the author examined how the Swedish Green party, the Moderate party, the Christian Democrats and the Swedish Social Democratic party described female representation during the years 2001-2013 at their party congresses. With party strategic categories constructed by Lena Wägnerud and one self-constructed category with the help of works by Ann Phillips a total of 5 categories was used to separate the different statements regarding female representation. The categories were attack, win voters, comparisons, bragging and other. The results of the study show that the focus of female representation has shifted from a focus on female political representation to female representation in the business world, mostly representation in the board rooms. The results also show that all parties express themselves about female representation but in different ways. The Swedish Social Democratic party is the only party that focuses mainly on female representation as a question of justice and democracy, statements that fall under the category other. The other parties in this paper all had their focus on strategic statements that fall under Lena Wägneruds categories.

Many studies have focused on whether or not different kinds of strategies used towards radical right parties give them more or less electoral support and power. This study, however, sets out to center the MP’s subjective views on how the strategies and different approaches are being used and experienced in parliamentary committees in the Swedish Riksdag. The purpose of the study is to gain new and more detailed information of the motivations used for the strategies from the MPs subjective views of the Swedish Democrats (SD). The different types of strategies studied are excluding strategies such as ignore, cordon sanitaire, demonise and defuse. The including strategies which are examined are adapt and collaborate. Vote technical disidentification is a theoretical contribution to strategies being used from this study and shows how MPs blame other parties for voting more on SD than their own. Semi- structured interviews with MPs from five parties, including SD, in three different parliamentary committees with a total number of 15 participants, which are used as the material. The result of the study suggests that there are some differences in the approaches of the different MPs, and the difference lies mostly in between and within parties and not so much among the different committees. The MPs have some differences in their subjective conception of the SD where some have a tough approach against them while others have a softer understanding to them socially but none except for one MP want formal collaboration with them. In broad terms, the political right has some tendencies to use inclusion strategies and the political left uses the exclusion strategies more broadly and not the inclusion at all, according to the result. Informal approaches to take distance from SD, used more by the political left. The perception of the strategies and approaches being used differs a lot from between the MPs from SD and the rest of the MPs in the study. A more hard, unfair and undemocratic is the perceptions of the MPs from SD of the strategy and approaches while the others do not see them as commonly used.

Abstract The studies purpose is to acknowledge if there are some differences between the decision against Ranstadverkets uranium mining depending on event that occur and affect the project. 1959 - 1970 is the years that are examine. The Swedish uranium mining was a hot subject between the political parties. Nearly half a billion Swedish kronor was invested in the project. Nonprofit organizations like environment groups disliked the project and tried to stop it. Events like the when the mine where put in pause in 1969 and how that affected the mine. The study analyzes how the events affected the Swedish governments decisions against the mine and how the Swedish people responded on the decisions. / Den svenska miljöhistorian består mestadels av forskning om kärnkraften och vattenkraften vilket är bara en del av Sverige miljöhistoria. Den svenska uranbrytningen är en del av den svenska miljöhistorian fast det finns knappt någon forskning om ämnet, speciellt inte utifrån riksdagsbesluten. Vilket gör ämnet mer intresserat att studera.     Ranstadverket under åren 1959 - 1970 kan uppfattas som ett hett ämne vilket har blivit påverkat av omvärlden och dess förändring. Vid starten av Ranstadsprojektet var budgeten för verket cirka 115 miljoner och verkets byggnation kostade cirka 140 miljoner. Efter alla kostnader och arbetstimmar blev kostnaden för hela projektet nästan en halv miljard svenska kronor. De två frågor som har diskuterats i riksdagens dokument är ifall det är gynnsamt att utvinna uran vid Ranstad samt kostnaden för projektet. Ranstadsprojektet var ett diskussionsämne för alla svenska partier för att det var väldigt ekonomiskt krävande men också för att det kunde minska importkostnader.

Detta arbete undersöker hur Riksdagspartiernas uttalanden om religion kan tänkas påverkareligiösa elever i skolan. I huvudsak har tre teorier används: Bronfenbrenners ekologiskasystemteori, Saids teori om Det Annorlunda och Goffmans teori om stigma. Arbetet hargjorts som en textanalys, där material från partierna samlats in och sedan analyserats.Frågeställningarna som guidat arbetet är: ● Kan Riksdagspartierna bidra till stigmatiseringen av religiösa elever?○ Vilka direkta och indirekta budskap finns i partiernas textproduktion gällandereligion och religiösa människor? Undersökningen visar att problemet är väldigt komplext, och att ett enkelt svar inte går attutröna. Det finns dock ett tydligt samband mellan Riksdagspartiernas uttalanden och religiösaelevers vardag i skolan, samt mellan detta arbetes resultat och den tidigare forskningen.

The City of Stockholm has declared that it will be leading in the implementation of Agenda 2030. The study is based on interviews with political parties, representatives from the administration and civil society actors in the City of Stockholm. It explores how concepts within and the relation between Agenda 2030 and human rights are perceived. The results of the study are based on four themes: to leave no one behind, politics, language and practice, and partnership. A tension between human rights and Agenda 2030 is found, but also commonalities. The study shows that in local administration, Agenda 2030 and the Sustainable Development Goals are often regarded as more practical than human rights. Yet, respondents believe that human rights can strengthen Agenda 2030. Across all respondent groups, the study finds that there are expectations of Agenda 2030 breaking silos, uniting actors and offering a framework that is stable over policy shifts