Cette thèse explore la manière dont le modèle de traduction institutionnelle qui s’est mis en place au sein de l’Union européenne pourrait être adapté à la situation africaine afin de résoudre ce que son auteur considère comme le principal obstacle au développement de ce continent, à savoir sa fragmentation ethnolinguistique. Rédigée en anglais et composée de six chapitres, elle se situe au croisement de la Traductologie (son principal point d’ancrage théorique), des politiques linguistiques et des théories du développement. Avec plus de deux mille langues différentes, l'Afrique constitue en effet le summum de la fragmentation ethnolinguistique. Dans la Babel africaine, les États sont constitués de différentes tribus dont les seuls liens sont les langues européennes métropolitaines fonctionnant comme langues officielles. Cependant, moins d'un quart des Africains parlent ces langues officielles. Parallèlement, l'accès aux bienfaits de l’existence – emploi, soins de santé, justice et éducation – est lié à la capacité de parler les langues officielles, ce qui entraîne l'exclusion et la non-participation d’une grande partie des populations. Les Africains n'accèdent, ne créent ni ne diffusent de connaissances dans leurs propres langues. De même, il y a très peu de fertilisation croisée des savoirs, ce qui conduit à l'existence d’innombrables Afriques parallèles et incompatibles. L'intégration régionale, proclamée urbi et orbi comme la solution à la « tragédie de la croissance africaine », est pour l’essentiel un échec. Se fondant sur l'exemple de l'Union européenne, cette thèse affirme et entend démontrer que la traduction institutionnelle, par assurance, familiarisation et hybridation, réduira la souffrance des Africains, favorisera la bonne gouvernance grâce à la participation universelle et à la responsabilisation des élites, tout en facilitant la fertilisation croisée des Afriques parallèles et incompatibles d’aujourd’hui. La traduction permet de nouer des liens affectifs positifs ; la véhicularité métaphorique de la traduction engendre une identité africaine hybride et collective qui renforcera l'intégration régionale, permettant ainsi de réduire, voire d’éliminer, la souffrance perpétuelle en Afrique. En revanche, la théorie et le modèle opérationnel de traduction institutionnelle pratiqués actuellement en Afrique, à la fois européens et pro-institutions, sont mal adaptés pour réduire la souffrance en Afrique. L’auteur propose donc une théorie et un modèle opérationnel de traduction institutionnelle pro-personnes pour l’Afrique. / This thesis is a reflection on how the European Union’s translational model could be adapted to alleviate what its author considers the main hurdle to Africa’s development, i.e. ethnolinguistic fragmentation. Written in English and comprising six chapters, it is thus at the crossroads of translation studies (its mainstay), language policy-making and development, and nurtured by works from those three disciplines. With over two thousand different languages, Africa is the epitome of ethnolinguistic fragmentation (the sheer number of languages, the proliferation of very small minority languages and the hundreds of linguistic groups that straddle two or more states), leading to low intercommunity linguistic bonding indices. In the African Babel, metropolitan European languages bind different tribes into nation states. However, less than a quarter of Africans speak the official languages. At the same time, access to the good things of life – employment, health care, justice and education – is tied to the ability to speak the official languages, leading to exclusion and non-participation. Africans do not access, create and disseminate (indigenous) knowledge in their own languages and there is very little cross-fertilisation of knowledges leading to the existence of many parallel and compartmentalised Africas. Regional integration, widely acclaimed as the solution to the African “growth tragedy”, has all but failed. Drawing from the example of the European Union, it is argued that institutional translation, through assurance, familiarization and hybridization, will make the good things of life accessible to all Africans, promote good governance through universal participation and elite accountability as well as facilitate the cross-fertilisation of compartmentalized Africas. This will reduce suffering in Africa thereby engendering positive affect, which in turn boosts the vehicularity of institutional translation. Institutional translation will ultimately help create a hybrid and collective African identity that will boost regional integration and alleviate, if not end, perennial suffering in Africa. The European institution-centred theory and practice model of institutional translation currently pertaining does not reduce suffering in Africa. An Africa-specific people-centred theory and practice model of institutional translation is outlined.

In 1959, Federico Zeri isolated an Umbrian painter and named him the Master of the Greenville after the Madonna and Child with Angels tondo in Greenville, South Carolina. Through connoisseurship, scholars have since attributed over thirty-two works to the Master of the Greenville, categorizing the anonymous artist as a close follower of Perugino's style. My research focuses on a Nativity panel now in the Museum of Fine Arts in Saint Petersburg, Florida. It is called the Jonas Nativity after its former owner, the late art collector Harriet H. Jonas. Through connoisseurship, scholars have almost exclusively focused on attributing the Jonas Nativity to an artist in the framework of Perugino's stylistic influence. Although the Jonas Nativity is clearly indebted to Perugino, the emphasis on naming the artist has led to formal analyses that almost exclusively rely on connoisseurship. As a result, there is virtually no critical analysis on the Jonas Nativity outside the context of this method. Pietro Scarpellini has argued that scholars place too much emphasis on Peruginoís stylistic influence when interpreting Umbrian art ñ he labeled this problem the ìmyth of Perugino.î Scarpellini asserts that the myth is a methodological emphasis on Peruginoís stylistic influence on Umbrian images. Scarpellini traces the origins of the myth to Vasari, who wrote in Peruginoís biography that he established a significant stylistic following in Umbria. Later, Vasariís account was interpreted by writers of the Romantic Period as an Umbrian School of Painting dominated by Perugino; this viewpoint has remained prevalent in critical interpretations on Umbrian art through today. This study recognizes the general stylistic impact of Perugino on the Jonas Nativity, but shifts focus by shedding light on how the painting likely fit into the culture of late fifteenth-century Umbrian patronage and workshop practices. In doing so, I show how the Jonas Nativity can be read as a product of a patronage system largely dominated by Umbriaís ruling families during the late fifteenth-century. While Peruginoís art affected the stylistic qualities of the Jonas Nativity, the market demands of Umbriaís ruling noble patrons greatly dictated the structure and output of workshops in which the Master of the Greenville probably worked. My investigation intends to expand the critical inquiry of the Jonas Nativity and lay the groundwork for a methodological balance between the influence of Perugino and the cultural forces shaping Umbria's early modern images.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Open University. BLDSC no. DX78296. / 2 volumes.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2001. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 382-386).

Revision of the author's Thesis (doctoral)--Humboldt-Universität, Berlin, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [231]-248) and index.

The dissertation analyzes why legislators fail to use their oversight powers over bureaucracy in democratic Mexico. While dominant institutional theories assume a unidirectional flow of authority from politicians to bureaucrats, in Mexico there is a bidirectional negotiation process; as such, principals have formal rights to control the agents, but agents have informal leverage over principals, as well. Due to the absence of a Weberian state and extensive state intervention, bureaucrats are able to control resources that legislators require in order to advance their careers. By distributing resources that politicians can use for patronage purposes, bureaucrats obtain legislators’ consent to design and implement programs as they wish. Consequently, members of Congress renounce their control powers in exchange for securing resources for their constituents or cronies. Furthermore, informal mechanisms of influence neutralize the formal control powers that legislators have over bureaucrats. Public officials’ power and the lack of legislative control over bureaucracy are documented by analyzing the budgetary process and health policy in Mexico between 1997 and 2006. The main implication of the dissertation is that although democratization produced changes that gave more formal powers to Congress, it has not eliminated the informal mechanisms used by bureaucrats to influence legislators. As a result, public officials continue to enjoy ample leeway in implementing public policies and programs. / text

In Africa, the new electoral freedoms of the 1990s often ushered in not less but more violence and corruption. Somewhat paradoxically, democratization appeared to lead to greater despotism. Current theories of democratic transitions fail to adequately explain this negative "fall out". On the one hand, by focusing on formal institutional change, most transitions theory marginalizes the "informal" politics of patronage and violence. On the other hand, theorists of "informal" politics tend to assume that formal institutional change does not impinge on patrimonial dynamics. This thesis explains how the advent of electoral freedom challenges patrimonialism and, in the process, deepens local despotism. By a careful look at the Kenyan case, this thesis argues that the re-introduction of multiple political parties posed a genuine challenge to highest level patronage networks. This challenge consisted of "patronage inflation": competitive elections escalated demands for and promises of patronage just as international conditionalities and economic difficulties led to a decline in traditional supplies of patronage. Further, with multiple political parties, voters gained bargaining power to demand both resources and accountability. A critique of patrimonialism emerged into the public realm, particularly from those who had lost out in the spoils system, the growing numbers of poor and landless. These challenges were met by counter-strategies on the part of those most set to lose by a turnover in elections. With the introduction of alternative political parties, President Moi and key patronage bosses instigated localized but electorally beneficial violence in the form of "ethnic clashes". In their struggle to maintain patrimonial dominance, they also increasingly turned to less internationally scrutinized public lands as a patronage resource, leading to increasing and increasingly violent "land grabbing". This triggered counter mobilizations which aimed at reasserting local co

How did Late Antiquity’s societies articulate their identities? This dissertation is a study of the construction of textual identities, as revealed by an analysis of Origen’s Paulinism which aimed to construct Christian identity in the third century CE. I have chosen extracts from Origen’s exegesis of Paul, found primarily in one text, his Commentary on Romans, as resources for my examination of identity issues. This text is an extremely helpful example of a deliberate fashioning of Christian identity through Origen’s joint use of Hellenistic paideia and the Bible. Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of habitus provides a helpful lens in decoding Origen’s and Hellenistic texts. Using habitus, the focus is on the rhetoric of identity formation through the fabric of the cultural, social, political, ideological, and literary contexts of Origen’s world. The study is more descriptive than polemical. The Greek paideia provides an immediate background to Late Antiquity’s concept of identity formation. The extant literature of the period comprised the fundamental vehicles of self–definition. This concept of fashioning identity through the construction of texts presents numerous difficulties for the contemporary reader. I will show that Origen used Greco–Roman moral philosophy and rhetoric in interpreting Paul. In seeking Origen’s notion of Christian identity, Origen’s reading of Romans is shaped by strategies of self–scrutiny and self–formation. Although Origen modifies the Greco–Roman moral philosophies—such as the notion of self–control, transformational narratives, and rhetoric deployment in his exegesis—much of the shared cultural and literary background remains. Using the Hellenistic nuances of self–control and rhetoric, Origen shows his audience a distinct picture of what a transformed, mature believer should look like, the humanitas. The transformation that a believer underwent resulted in a new or intensified form of piety with consequent changes in social affiliations, relations and loyalties. He also uses different descriptions —“new man,” “inner man” and “perfect”—to identify the mature transformed believers. This believer is the humanitas, the much sought after identity, with the milieu of the third century C.E. He attempted to create a body of knowledge and to utilize it for the preparation of a strong Christian identity in the midst of the pressures and temptations of the hegemonic Roman Empire and the pervasive Greco–Roman culture. Along with the paideia, the Roman Empire nurtured and challenged Origen’s Paulinism. The Roman Empire did not require individuals, or even communities, to adopt for themselves a distinctly Roman identity to the exclusion of all others. Yet, everyone was required to worship the genus of the Emperor. The Roman identity transformed the Greek–barbarian dichotomy into an imperial ideology which claimed Roman supremacy over all other cultures and people. This usurpation of other societies by the Romans is an inverted mirror image of Origen’s usurpation of Rome’s Romanitas or humanitas through his Paulinism. Thus, he is to be seen constructing identity through shared forms of symbolic and linguistic construction which were readily available within his socio–political reality. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Church and Dogma History))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012.

How did Late Antiquity’s societies articulate their identities? This dissertation is a study of the construction of textual identities, as revealed by an analysis of Origen’s Paulinism which aimed to construct Christian identity in the third century CE. I have chosen extracts from Origen’s exegesis of Paul, found primarily in one text, his Commentary on Romans, as resources for my examination of identity issues. This text is an extremely helpful example of a deliberate fashioning of Christian identity through Origen’s joint use of Hellenistic paideia and the Bible. Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of habitus provides a helpful lens in decoding Origen’s and Hellenistic texts. Using habitus, the focus is on the rhetoric of identity formation through the fabric of the cultural, social, political, ideological, and literary contexts of Origen’s world. The study is more descriptive than polemical. The Greek paideia provides an immediate background to Late Antiquity’s concept of identity formation. The extant literature of the period comprised the fundamental vehicles of self–definition. This concept of fashioning identity through the construction of texts presents numerous difficulties for the contemporary reader. I will show that Origen used Greco–Roman moral philosophy and rhetoric in interpreting Paul. In seeking Origen’s notion of Christian identity, Origen’s reading of Romans is shaped by strategies of self–scrutiny and self–formation. Although Origen modifies the Greco–Roman moral philosophies—such as the notion of self–control, transformational narratives, and rhetoric deployment in his exegesis—much of the shared cultural and literary background remains. Using the Hellenistic nuances of self–control and rhetoric, Origen shows his audience a distinct picture of what a transformed, mature believer should look like, the humanitas. The transformation that a believer underwent resulted in a new or intensified form of piety with consequent changes in social affiliations, relations and loyalties. He also uses different descriptions —“new man,” “inner man” and “perfect”—to identify the mature transformed believers. This believer is the humanitas, the much sought after identity, with the milieu of the third century C.E. He attempted to create a body of knowledge and to utilize it for the preparation of a strong Christian identity in the midst of the pressures and temptations of the hegemonic Roman Empire and the pervasive Greco–Roman culture. Along with the paideia, the Roman Empire nurtured and challenged Origen’s Paulinism. The Roman Empire did not require individuals, or even communities, to adopt for themselves a distinctly Roman identity to the exclusion of all others. Yet, everyone was required to worship the genus of the Emperor. The Roman identity transformed the Greek–barbarian dichotomy into an imperial ideology which claimed Roman supremacy over all other cultures and people. This usurpation of other societies by the Romans is an inverted mirror image of Origen’s usurpation of Rome’s Romanitas or humanitas through his Paulinism. Thus, he is to be seen constructing identity through shared forms of symbolic and linguistic construction which were readily available within his socio–political reality. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Church and Dogma History))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 288-309).