Le Phnom Kulen, éminence gréseuse à une trentaine de kilomètres au nord-est d'Angkor se caractérise par sa topographie et son réseau hydrographique. Il est la source des principaux cours d'eau irriguant la région. Les données épigraphiques et la présence d'un ensemble de monuments, indiquent que le plateau accueillit à l'aube du IX e siècle, l'une des capitales où s'établit Jayavarman II, fondateur de la royauté angkorienne. D'autres sites archéologiques, de nature et de fonction différentes, ont révélé une interprétation plus complète de l'occupation du massif, ne se développant pas uniquement autour des temples de cette capitale. Cette thèse propose une première étude diachronique de l'occupation du massif, depuis les premiers sites fondés à la seconde moitié du VII e siècle jusqu'aux vestiges postangkoriens. Reprenant l'ensemble des éléments épigraphiques et archéologiques issus d'un siècle de recherche, elle s'appuie sur la réalisation d'une nouvelle carte archéologique et sur les résultats d'opérations récentes, riches en nouveaux éléments. Cette étude démontre l'antériorité de certains sanctuaires au règne de Jayavarman II et révèle l'importance du temple-montagne du massif, régissant l'implantation de nombreux autres vestiges. L'identification d'un site d'habitat, très probablement palatial, et de structures hydrauliques d'envergure, contemporaines, confirme la présence de l'implantation du pouvoir royal. Enfin, cette recherche illustre l'apparition aux X e et XI e siècles des ermitages, nichés dans les abris rocheux. Cette tradition se poursuit à la période postangkorienne puis, jusqu'à nos jours, perpétuant singulièrement le particularisme sacré du Phnom Kulen. / Located 30 km north-east of Angkor, the sandstone mountain of Phnom Kulen is known for its particular topography and for being the source of many rivers in the region. Epigraphic data and the presence of numerous monuments indicate that the plateau of Phnom Kulen was the location of one of the capital of Jayavarman II, founder of the angkorian kingdom, at the beginning of the IXth century. Other archeological vestiges located on this plateau have allowed a better understanding of its occupation, not exclusively organized around the temples of the capital. This thesis offers a diachronic study of the occupation of this massif, from the first sites of the second part of the VIIth century to the remains of the postangkorian period. It revisits the epigraphic and archeological data gathered over a century and benefits from a new archeological map and recent and productive excavations. This study shows that some sanctuaries are anterior to the reign of Jayavarman II and reveals the importance of the « mountain-temple », around which numerous vestiges were to be located. The presence of a powerful settlement is evidenced by the habitat, most likely palatial and important contemporaneous hydraulic structures. Later, over the Xth and XIth centuries, hermits were occupying this mountain's rock shelters. This became a tradition during the postangkorian period and continues today, illustrating the sacred nature of the Phnom Kulen.

Reproduction de : Thèse doctorat : Urbanisme : Paris8 : 2007. / Titre provenant de l'écran-titre. Bibliogr. f. 441-463. Index.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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Zugl.: Marburg, Universiẗat, Diss., 2005. / Zsfassungen in engl. Sprache.

La thèse de doctorat « Horizons perdus : comment le cinéma expérimental et la sculpture ouvrent à l’installation » explore l’idée d’animer un collage. Elle regroupe un ensemble d’œuvres, de natures diverses.Voyage circulaire en Asie, le projet est structuré en trois stations : Phnom Penh, Tokyo et Lhassa.Du filmage de ces villes à l’exposition finale, la pratique du collage est centrale. D’un médium à l’autre, d’une séquence à l’autre, il s’agit de découper des formes et de les présenter dans un nouveau contexte. Migration d’images, montage, composition… le collage a engagé une série de questions dont les réponses ont façonné ce travail.Dans la thèse, les villes sont autant un sujet d’étude qu’un modèle conceptuel. Les œuvres sont comme des architectures. Ce sont des espaces clos, d’essence sculpturale, qui se doivent ensuite d’entrer en relation afin de constituer un tout.Le titre « Horizons perdus » est peut-être la nostalgie de cette totalité. / “Lost Horizons: how experimental cinema and sculpture open to installation” is a diverse collection of work which explores the idea of animating a collage.The project is a circular voyage through Asia, structured in three stations: Phnom Penh, Tokyo and Lhassa.The practice of collage is central throughout the entire project. From filming these cities to the final exhibition, one medium to another, one sequence to the next, it is all a matter of cutting out forms and presenting them in a new context. Collage has engaged a series of questions - about image migrations, editing, and composition - whose answers have shaped the work.This thesis treats cities as much a subject of study as a conceptual model. Like architecture, and by extension, urbanism, the collages are conceived as enclosed spaces built to be lived in, and must enter into a relationship in order to constitute a whole.The title “Lost Horizons” is perhaps the nostalgia of this totality.

Au Cambodge depuis le début des années 2000, la forte croissance économique et la stabilisation de la vie politique, après des décennies de guerre, encouragent une importante spéculation immobilière dans la capitale, Phnom Penh. Les bidonvilles sont particulièrement visés par ces investissements privés, ainsi que par des projets d’aménagements publics. L’insécurité foncière qui caractérise ces quartiers informels permet aux autorités de libérer ces terrains par la force. Les déguerpissements de bidonvillois se multiplient et aboutissent à la création de « sites de relocalisation » sur lesquels des parcelles sont distribuées aux déplacés. Hors-la-ville, dans un cadre rural et isolé, ces sites de relocalisation sont une forme de reterritorialisation subie pour les déguerpis qui s’y installent, tandis qu’une partie d’entre eux retournent se reloger en centre-ville. La municipalité et le gouvernement cambodgien présentent ces déguerpissements comme un processus positif permettant de régulariser la situation des plus démunis dans de meilleures conditions de sécurité et d’hygiène. A l’inverse, les anciens bidonvillois estiment qu’ils ont été « jetés au milieu des rizières » sans ressource, sans logement, sans infrastructures. Le déplacement sous contrainte de citadins pauvres représente un choix de société résolument tournée vers le capitalisme et la compétitivité, aboutissant à une nouvelle forme de ségrégation socio-spatiale. La relocalisation apparaît plus comme un moyen d’éloigner les bidonvillois et de s’accaparer les terres qu’ils occupaient au profit d’une élite économique proche du pouvoir, plutôt que comme une façon de régler le problème des bidonvilles. / In Cambodia, since the 2000’s, strong economic growth and political stability stimulate an increasing speculation on urban lands in the capital, Phnom Penh. Slum areas are the targets of privet housing projects as well as public policies of beautification. The informal tenure of theirs lands makes slums dwellers particularly exposed to forced evictions, implemented to clean up the ground and to relocate them outside the city center. Resettlement sites are created to accommodate the involuntarily displaced people from the city to the fare and rural suburban areas. Part of these evicted people intends to resettle there, while others decide to seek for a new location back in the city. Both the Municipality and the Cambodian government present those forced relocations as a positive process to solve the informal settlements issue, and to offer more decent life conditions to the urban poor. Relocated people on the contrary, consider that they have been “thrown out in the middle of the rice fields” without any job opportunity, housing solution, or infrastructure. The “right to the city” is denied to the poorest. Forced evictions of the urban poor come within a social choice that encourages capitalism and urban competitiveness. One of the main consequences of this phenomenon is an increasing social and spatial segregation. Relocations appear as a mean to barely banish the slum dwellers from the city in order to grab the land they occupied, rather than to solve the informal settlements issue.

abstract: The handling of waste encompasses the following processes: recycling, collection, treatment, and disposal. It is crucial to provide a cost-effective waste management system that improves public health and reduces environmental risks. In developing countries, proper handling of solid and hazardous wastes remain severely limited in urban cities if the industries and hospitals producing it do not take responsibility. Recycling and reusing of 12% of total waste in Phnom Penh is an active industry in Cambodia, driven by an informal network of waste pickers, collectors, and buyers. This thesis examines the environmental situation of solid and hazardous wastes in Phnom Penh. The socio-economic background of waste pickers and their current practices for handling solid and hazardous wastes will be mainly discussed in order to understand health and sanitation impacts and risks for disposal of solid and hazardous waste by these informal waste pickers. Surveys and interviews with the following sources are conducted: waste pickers, community members, observation at local dumpsites, governmental officials, and other non-government organization agencies in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. This thesis reports the external and internal factors that hinder safety and cost-effective management for disposal of solid and hazardous wastes. Multiple literature reviews are assessed in regards to the health effects, economic, and social impacts in developing countries. Evidentially, after attending several training and environmental awareness-raising programs, waste pickers expressed concerns about their health and the environment. Instead of receiving support, waste pickers are under economic pressure to use improper tools for waste picking, to stop working, get access to health care/service, to change their career, and prevent contact to limit serious communicable diseases and disability. As a result, the government and other related government agencies have made an effort to establish sanitation handling, treatment, and disposal systems by closing the old dumpsite. Due to limited entrepreneurship and business experience after training, most waste pickers cannot initiate micro business or find new jobs and then resume their waste picking. In conclusion, this thesis proposed that there are alternative technologies and management methods that will allow waste pickers to maintain employment while minimizing hazardous waste. Some examples of alternatives for waste pickers are establishing a material recovery center and alternative higher income occupation. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.S.Tech Human and Social Dimensions of Science and Technology 2012

This dissertation examines how simultaneous social-ecological transformations including environmental change, climate uncertainty and urbanization affect low income residents in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Low income residents often reside in informal settlements which themselves inhabit marginal spaces in the city including roof tops, riverbanks, and land on the urban periphery. In Phnom Penh, many communities in the peri-urban zone depend on agriculture for their livelihood. Yet, this way of life is being compromised by changes to weather patterns, water quality and most pressingly urban expansion, as the wetlands they use to farm are being filled with sand to create new land on which to build luxury condos and expansive shopping malls. This thesis focuses on how low income residents, in particular urban farmers on the outskirts of Phnom Penh, live with and influence the ongoing social-ecological transformations that are shaping the city. I employ a mixed qualitative and quantitative methodology, including interviews, focus groups and a household survey to examine how patterns of urbanization in the past 25 years have created situations of both social and ecological marginalization in Phnom Penh. I show how the changing legal framework of land ownership has influenced access to land and housing while analysing how urban farmers have responded to these changes. The following research questions underpinned the study: 1. How are low-income residents of Phnom Penh affected by the process of environmental change (including climate change)? How do other forms of socio-economic marginalization influence this? 2. What are the historical conditions that have shaped the present reality for low-income residents of Phnom Penh in terms of their vulnerability to environmental change? 3. How are low-income residents responding, individually and collectively, to the changes they are experiencing as a result of urbanization and environmental change? What are the outcomes of these actions? 4. How is the concept of ‘resilience’ being employed as a policy objective in Cambodia? Does the presence of a resilience agenda improve conditions for low-income residents facing challenges related to environmental change in urban areas? I combined the theoretical fields of resilience and political ecology, to take advantage of their complementary understandings of the interaction between humans and nature. This theoretical combination highlights the importance of scale, focusing on the loss of agricultural livelihoods at the village level while also acknowledging the role of national policy and politics in shaping the priorities of urban development. My use of political ecology focuses on issues of agency to show how farmers are actively employing strategies to sustain their failing crops, such as increasing the use of chemical inputs, which tragically further undermines their precarious finances as well as the ecosystem they depend on. Farmers deploy short term strategies in an effort to retain a foothold in the city in the hopes that their children will be able to leverage their education to pursue opportunities outside of farming. I further draw on discourse analysis to show how the term resilience is employed in policy and by government officials at the national level to frame climate change as a managerial problem which can be solved with technical solutions and external funding. I argue this obscures how problematic decisions such as the in-filling of urban lakes are caused, not by failures of capacity but by political priorities, aligned to the interests of wealth creation for a small elite. While resilience has been embraced as a policy priority in Cambodia, it has not translated into practices which protect urban ecosystems or lessen social inequalities.