Submitted by Leticia Schettini (leticia@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-25T12:00:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2010 - Saionara Gomes Ladeira.pdf: 1474302 bytes, checksum: eba7267a8c601ef70853c02ae5d1b664 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-25T12:00:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2010 - Saionara Gomes Ladeira.pdf: 1474302 bytes, checksum: eba7267a8c601ef70853c02ae5d1b664 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-09-14 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior-CAPES / Since the process of Independence the Brazilian government sought to strengthen its international relations with the Republics Plates by his desire to impose national sovereignty. It is therefore of fundamental importance to realize, the negotiations held at the border. Thus, we will demonstrate the negotiations, the political games and international treaties that were signed in the 1850s, realizing the problems that ultimately led to war in Silver. Several historiographical studies have investigated the platinum borders and foreign policy of the Empire in the River Plate. In our paper we tried to understand the social history of this region as a living space and dialogue of those people who have settled there and pushed the policy of their states. We went beyond the official sources and even them we don?t investigate the diplomatic decisions, but the guidelines set forth and the interests involved. / Desde o processo de Independ?ncia o governo brasileiro procurou fortalecer suas rela??es internacionais com as Rep?blicas Platinas por seu desejo de imposi??o da soberania nacional. Assim, ? de fundamental import?ncia perceber, as negocia??es travadas na fronteira. Desta forma, demonstraremos as negocia??es, os jogos pol?ticos e os tratados internacionais, que foram assinados na d?cada de 1850, percebendo as problem?ticas que acabaram por conduzir a Guerra no Prata. V?rios trabalhos historiogr?ficos j? investigaram as fronteiras platinas e pol?tica externa do Imp?rio no Rio da Prata. Em nossa disserta??o procuramos compreender a hist?ria social dessa regi?o como um espa?o vivo e de di?logo daquelas popula??es que ali se estabeleceram e pressionaram a pol?tica de seus Estados. Fomos al?m das fontes oficiais e mesmo nelas investigamos n?o as decis?es diplom?ticas, mas as diretrizes tra?adas e os interesses envolvidos.

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-25T13:18:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Adriana Branco Correia Souto.pdf: 2745608 bytes, checksum: bff31e716ac871b94640d76e3cad4d60 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-25T13:18:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Adriana Branco Correia Souto.pdf: 2745608 bytes, checksum: bff31e716ac871b94640d76e3cad4d60 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-02 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / The aim of this work is to contribute to the history of occupation of the Baixada Fluminense in Rio de Janeiro to analyze and describe the actions of the two Federal Committees of Sanitation who have spoken in this space. For this, we analyzed all the projects, studies and sanitation concessions, visible, since the Empire until the decade of 1940, whose stage was the plains of the State. The development of the work considered the specific characteristics of the political context in which they were inserted the commissions (1910 and 1933) and the ideals of engineers in the First Republic. The first and the second Federal Commission, and important public policies engendered by the Union, contributed in the construction of the Baixada Fluminense region. / O objetivo deste trabalho ? contribuir com a hist?ria de ocupa??o da Baixada Fluminense no estado do Rio de Janeiro ao analisar e descrever a atua??o das duas Comiss?es Federais de Saneamento que intervieram neste espa?o. Para isso foram analisados todos os projetos, estudos e concess?es de saneamento, dessecamento, desde o Imp?rio at? a d?cada de 1940, cujo palco foi a plan?cie do estado. O desenvolvimento do trabalho considerou as especificidades do contexto pol?tico no qual estiveram inseridas as comiss?es (1910 e 1933) e o ide?rio dos engenheiros na Primeira Rep?blica. A Primeira e a Segunda Comiss?o Federal, al?m de importantes pol?ticas p?blicas engendradas pela uni?o, contribu?ram na constru??o da Baixada Fluminense como regi?o

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2017-04-07T17:51:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Rita de C?ssia Medeiros S?rgio de Azevedo.pdf: 1504075 bytes, checksum: 01c12f1d3512deea5b4e9f02159665f8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-07T17:51:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Rita de C?ssia Medeiros S?rgio de Azevedo.pdf: 1504075 bytes, checksum: 01c12f1d3512deea5b4e9f02159665f8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-02 / This research aimed at knowing the representation of the ones conventionally called "amnestied" ? a group of public agents dismissed at the mandate time of the former President Fernando Collor de Mello, and readmitted after a period of almost 20 years at the Rural Federal University of Rio de Janeiro. Through their narratives, it was possible to analyse the process of arbitrary dismissals occurred under that government management, to know the history of struggles of those professionals to return to work, to make a critical analysis of some moments of the historical context in the late twentieth century and early twenty-first in relation to neoliberal public policies and their impacts. Through their memories, understand the meanings that were built concerning the group's situation and the process of building their individual and collective identities, and ending up with the importance of the human formation process at the university environment. For this purpose, we used, as research basis, the phenomenological thought of Jacques Le Goff (1990), a French author who reflects on history and memory; Pierre Nora (1993), who understands that memory is important for its lack; Castoriadis (1982), who says that every society is a creation inserted in a given historical moment, therefore the establishment of the society as such implies the creation of a world of meanings; and to complete the theoretical basis, we highlight the work of Paulo Freire, who thinks the dimension of collective knowledge construction for human development, and especially, the importance of a collective construction, which involves not only the individuals, but also the institutions. The qualitative research conducted to a critical analysis based on the perspective of Minayo (1993), and, thereunto, we proceeded into a data collection with the subjects by means of individual interviews, closed questionnaires, and audio recordings. With the analysis of the collected material, it was possible to get to know the injustice done by a ?neoliberal? form of government, and through discourse analysis procedures, we rose categories that allowed to describe the outcomes of this late happening in our country. / Esta pesquisa objetivou conhecer a representa??o do que se convencionou chamar de ?anistiados? ? um grupo de funcion?rios p?blicos demitidos no governo do ex-presidente Fernando Collor de Mello e readmitidos ap?s um per?odo de quase 20 anos na Universidade Federal Rural do Rio de Janeiro. Atrav?s de suas narrativas foi poss?vel analisar o processo de demiss?es arbitr?rias ocorridas naquele governo, conhecer o hist?rico de lutas desses profissionais na busca do retorno ao servi?o, fazer uma an?lise cr?tica de alguns momentos da conjuntura hist?rica no final do s?culo XX e in?cio do s?culo XXI em rela??o ?s pol?ticas p?blicas neoliberais e seus impactos. Atrav?s de suas mem?rias compreenderam-se os sentidos atribu?dos ? situa??o do grupo, bem como o processo de constru??o de suas identidades individuais ou coletivas e finalizando com import?ncia do processo de forma??o humana no ambiente universit?rio. Para isto recorreu-se, como fundamento da pesquisa, ao pensamento fenomenol?gico de Jacques Le Goff (1990), autor franc?s que faz uma reflex?o sobre Hist?ria e Mem?ria. Pierre Nora (1993), este faz entender que a mem?ria ? um tema relevante pela sua falta. Castoriadis (1982), diz que toda sociedade ? cria??o inserida em dado momento hist?rico, portanto cria??o da sociedade como tal implica na cria??o de um mundo de significa??es e para concluir a fundamenta??o, destacamos a obra de Paulo Freire que pensa na dimens?o da constru??o coletiva do conhecimento, na forma??o humana e, sobretudo na import?ncia de uma constru??o coletiva, que envolve n?o s? os sujeitos, como tamb?m, as institui??es. A pesquisa de natureza qualitativa realizou uma an?lise cr?tica baseada na perspectiva de Minayo (1993) e para isto foi realizada uma coleta de dados dos sujeitos atrav?s de entrevistas individuais, question?rios fechados e grava??es de ?udio. Com a an?lise do material coletado foi poss?vel conhecer a injusti?a cometida por uma forma de governo ?Neoliberal? e atrav?s da an?lise dos discursos, levantaram-se categorias que permitiram descrever todo o desfecho dessa hist?ria acontecida em nosso pa?s.

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2017-05-18T12:22:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Bruno Silva de Souza.pdf: 597169 bytes, checksum: 673fbe11f321d737d659d58670ebebdb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-18T12:22:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Bruno Silva de Souza.pdf: 597169 bytes, checksum: 673fbe11f321d737d659d58670ebebdb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-01 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / This study aims to reflect about the Iberians formulations concerning the royal power, stressing the unsuitable nature of the absolutism notion to characterize the question of power in the Iberian anci?n r?gime. Starting from the analysis of the ?good reason of State? doctrine, an alternative formulation against the Machiavellian thought, we intends to point the elements that restrains the sovereignty exercises for the King, especially the role played by the catholic religion in the Iberian political thought in 17 th century. / Esta trabalho pretende refletir sobre as formula??es ib?ricas concernentes ao poder r?gio, enfatizando a inadequa??o da no??o de Absolutismo para caracterizar a quest?o do poder no Antigo Regime ib?rico. Partindo da an?lise da doutrina da buena raz?n de Estado, formula??o alternativa e oposta ao pensamento de Maquiavel, procura-se apontar os elementos de limita??o do exerc?cio da soberania r?gia, especialmente o papel da religi?o cat?lica no pensamento pol?tico ib?rico do s?culo XVII.

Submitted by Setor de Tratamento da Informa??o - BC/PUCRS (tede2@pucrs.br) on 2016-09-28T14:12:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_VICTOR_BARTMANN_DE_FRANCESCHI_COMPLETO.pdf: 3895358 bytes, checksum: be32550afd83a0b06640675f0f974042 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-28T14:12:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_VICTOR_BARTMANN_DE_FRANCESCHI_COMPLETO.pdf: 3895358 bytes, checksum: be32550afd83a0b06640675f0f974042 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-30 / This paper analyzes topics on international political economy within the capitalist development project in South Korea. We agree that the Korean development process, between 1961 and 1991, was through an export-led industrialization strategy conducted by a strong State that planned and coordinated the course of development thanks to a certain institutional and political configuration that allowed it to fulfill special economic functions. This interpretation is known as Developmental State. We show that this development model was deeply influenced by both domestic factors as international factors. The state's ability to respond positively and to adapt to the geopolitical context, the regional pattern of economic development and the conditions of international trade for the period was crucial for the developmental success. This strategy has resulted in a pattern of trade and capital transfers with the core countries consistent with the economic situation and world politics of the period. / Este trabalho busca analisar t?picos de economia pol?tica internacional no contexto do projeto de desenvolvimento capitalista da Cor?ia do Sul. Admitimos que o processo de desenvolvimento coreano, entre 1961 e 1991, se deu atrav?s de uma estrat?gia econ?mica de industrializa??o via exporta??es conduzida por um Estado forte que planejou e coordenou os rumos do desenvolvimento gra?as a uma configura??o pol?tica e institucional pr?pria que lhe permitiu cumprir fun??es econ?micas especiais. Essa interpreta??o ? conhecida como Developmental State. Mostraremos que esse modelo de desenvolvimento foi profundamente influenciado tanto pelos fatores nacionais como por fatores internacionais. A capacidade do Estado em responder positivamente e se adaptar ao contexto geopol?tico, ao padr?o regional de desenvolvimento econ?mico e ?s condi??es do com?rcio internacional do per?odo foi crucial para o sucesso desenvolvimentista. Essa estrat?gia se traduziu num padr?o de com?rcio e de transfer?ncias de capitais com os pa?ses centrais coerente com a situa??o econ?mica e pol?tica mundial do per?odo.

Submitted by Setor de Tratamento da Informa??o - BC/PUCRS (tede2@pucrs.br) on 2016-12-20T10:53:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TES_JANINE_BENDOROVICZ_TREVISAN_COMPLETO.pdf: 2824359 bytes, checksum: b48d5b4f8249ed32ce08ca2e8490de5b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-20T10:53:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TES_JANINE_BENDOROVICZ_TREVISAN_COMPLETO.pdf: 2824359 bytes, checksum: b48d5b4f8249ed32ce08ca2e8490de5b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-31 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / Modernity has taken the centrality of religion from social and political life. The establishment of the republic in 1889 legally separated the Roman Catholic Church from the Brazilian State. Still, churches and religious groups maintain a claim for his role in the definition of public laws and policies in the Brazilian State. With the end of military dictatorship in the 1980s and the increasing political participation of different social groups and also the population growth of Pentecostals, this group became part of party politics and elected parliamentarians. They also mobilize support for presidential candidates. The objective of this thesis was to map the performance of the Pentecostals in Brazilian party politics from 2003 to 2014. For that purpose, press materials, internet, as well as interviews recorded with parliamentarians and advisors within the National Congress were analyzed. The results suggest that Pentecostal parliamentarians seek to transport their religious doctrines to the Brazilian population as a whole by proposing changes in legislation regarding behavioral issues. The discourses about justification/defense or rejection of the relationship between religion and politics have, in their essence, a dispute over the claim for a traditional (heterosexual) model of Christian family. The struggle to reject the criminalization of homophobia revealed an important issue for the group during the period under investigation, especially considering the argument that approving this law could criminalize their biblical preaching and condemnation against homosexuality, thereby restricting their freedom of religion and expression. In this sense, the discourses found in the 1980s, a period of Pentecostal insertion in politics, is resignified assuming the LGBT movement as a constrainer for its freedom of expression. / A modernidade retirou a centralidade da religi?o da vida social e pol?tica e a instaura??o da rep?blica no Brasil em 1889 separou juridicamente a Igreja Cat?lica Romana do Estado Brasileiro. Ainda assim, igrejas e grupos religiosos mant?m a reivindica??o pela sua atua??o na defini??o de leis e pol?ticas p?blicas junto ao Estado Brasileiro. Com o fim da ditadura militar na d?cada de 1980, a crescente participa??o pol?tica de diferentes grupos sociais e a expans?o demogr?fica dos evang?licos pentecostais, esse grupo passa a participar da pol?tica partid?ria elegendo parlamentares e mobilizando apoio a candidaturas ao cargo maior da na??o. O objetivo dessa tese consistiu em mapear a atua??o dos pentecostais na pol?tica partid?ria brasileira no per?odo de 2003 a 2014. Para tanto foram analisados materiais de imprensa, internet, bem como entrevistas gravadas com parlamentares e assessores no interior do Congresso Nacional. Os resultados sugerem que os parlamentares pentecostais buscam transportar suas doutrinas religiosas para o conjunto da popula??o brasileira atrav?s da proposi??o de altera??o na legisla??o referente ?s quest?es comportamentais. Os discursos em torno da justifica??o/defesa ou da recusa da rela??o da religi?o com a pol?tica possuem, no seu fundo, uma disputa em torno da reivindica??o por um modelo de fam?lia crist? tradicional (heterossexual). A luta para impedir a criminaliza??o da homofobia revelou uma bandeira importante do grupo no per?odo investigado, especialmente com a argumenta??o de que a aprova??o dessa lei poderia criminalizar suas prega??es e condena??es b?blicas contra a homossexualidade, restringindo assim sua liberdade religiosa e de express?o. Nesse sentido, a discursividade encontrada na d?cada de 1980, per?odo de inser??o pentecostal na pol?tica, ? retomada e ressemantizada assumindo o movimento LGBT como poss?vel limitador de sua liberdade de express?o.

Submitted by Setor de Tratamento da Informa??o - BC/PUCRS (tede2@pucrs.br) on 2017-02-06T14:03:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TES_TEREZA_CRISTINA_CERQUEIRA_DA_GRACA_COMPLET?.pdf: 2514834 bytes, checksum: 7623834c13dc1fe34e7eb8cf6a9f1911 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-06T14:03:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TES_TEREZA_CRISTINA_CERQUEIRA_DA_GRACA_COMPLET?.pdf: 2514834 bytes, checksum: 7623834c13dc1fe34e7eb8cf6a9f1911 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-24 / This thesis investigates the school systems rearrangement processes in Brazil and Portugal, as a way of coping with enrollment drops in primary and secondary education due to the falling birth rates from 2002 to 2012. The hypothesis is that the rearrangements of school systems compasses the rationalization of education and are encouraged by multilateral funding agencies. The research uses the categories of analysis from comparative education, which includes authors such as BRAY and KAI (2010), GARRIDO (1997), MANZON (2010), N?VOA and CATANI (2000), SCHRIEWER (1990, 1995, 2010), SOUZA and MARTINEZ (2009), as well as other Brazilian and Portuguese scholars, like ANTUNES (2005), AKKARI (2011), BOMENY (2001), CASTRO (2013), RIBEIRO (2008), SANTOS (2011), STOER ( 1980, 1999), THEODORO (2008). Data and information were gathered from government offices, newspapers and academic studies. In Brazil, we focus on the rearrangements occurred in the Northeastern States, furthering some approaches with some other Brazilian States; in Portugal, we analyse a few ?CartasEducativas? from some representative cities of each Portuguese geographic regions. The historical path of Education explains the late universalization basic education, illiteracy and low rates of education of the population. Low use of public school buildings and the reduction of the number of students led both countries to foster their school systems rearrangements through various procedures and strategies, which greatest impact is still schools closure. In Portugal, the rearrangements led to the constitution of school groups, and in Brazil to the expansion of the daily school. In both countries, these processes are taking place paripassu a process in which cities are taking control over primary education ? but in Brazil, this process is in a more advanced stage because of the federative model of government. Relations between central and local powers and those with educational segments, the relations between private and public schools, the different influence levels of international organizations and the progress accomplished in education are analyzed in order to identify the contribution of schools systems rearrangements in schooling expansion and improvement of educational services. In Portugal, the findings indicate that the school system rearrangement is part of the government commitments to reduce the public expenditure made by the country with international organizations. In Brazil, where this process is very recent, this intervention is motivated by the disclosure of the international experiences. With no demographic surveys or researches, as well as no medium or long-term planning, the school systems rearrangements are going on as long as some public schools are being emptied due to reducing rates of students. Given the demographics and urban reconfigurations, the public school systems rearrangements are needed, and undoubtedly part of the public funds rationalisation policies announced / implemented by successive governments. However, this process lacks transparency and openness to the engagement of some educational segments. / Esta tese investiga os processos de reordenamento de redes escolares no Brasil e em Portugal, como forma de enfrentamento da redu??o de alunos na educa??o b?sica e nos ensino b?sico e secund?rio, pela queda das taxas de natalidade, no per?odo de 2002 a 2012. A hip?tese central ? a de que os reordenamentos das redes p?blicas de ensino comportam a dimens?o da racionaliza??o dos recursos aplicados na educa??o e s?o estimulados pelos organismos multilaterais de financiamento. A pesquisa se serve das categorias de an?lise da educa??o comparada, com autores como BRAY e KAI (2010), GARRIDO (1997), MANZON (2010), N?VOA e CATANI (2000), SCHRIEWER (1990, 1995, 2010), SOUZA e MARTINEZ (2009), assim como outros estudiosos da educa??o brasileira e portuguesa, a exemplo deANTUNES (2005), AKKARI (2011), BOMENY (2001), CASTRO (2013),RIBEIRO (2008), SANTOS (2011), STOER (1980 e 1999), THEODORO (2008). Os dados e informa??es foram recolhidos junto aos ?rg?os oficiais de produ??o das estat?sticas e de documentos, de material jornal?stico e de estudos acad?micos. No Brasil, o foco de an?lise s?o os reordenamentos ocorridos nos estados nordestinos, onde se promove algumas aproxima??es com outros estados da federa??o; em Portugal, as Cartas Educativas de munic?pios representativos de cada uma das regi?es. A trajet?ria hist?rica da educa??o escolar explica a tardia universaliza??o do ensino fundamental/b?sico, os ?ndices de analfabetismo e os baixos n?veis de escolariza??o das popula??es. A baixa ocupa??o dos parques escolares p?blicos, pela redu??o de alunos, levou os dois pa?ses a promoverem os reordenamentos das suas redes p?blicas, mediante variados procedimentos e estrat?gias, cujo maior impacto continua sendo o fechamento de escolas. Em Portugal, os reordenamentos contam com a constitui??o dos agrupamentos escolares e, no Brasil, com a amplia??o da jornada escolar di?ria. Nos dois pa?ses, esses processos v?m ocorrendo em paralelo com a municipaliza??o da educa??o infantil e do ensino b?sico que, no Brasil, se encontra em est?gio mais avan?ado, face ao modelo pol?tico-administrativo federativo. As rela??es entre os poderes centrais e locais e desses com os segmentos educacionais, a rela??o ensino p?blico-ensino privado, os n?veis de influ?ncia dos organismos internacionais e os avan?os registrados na educa??o s?o analisados na perspectiva de identificar a contribui??o dos reordenamentos na amplia??o da escolariza??o das popula??es e na melhoria da qualidade do ensino. Para o caso portugu?s, as conclus?es apontam que o reordenamento escolar ? parte dos compromissos de redu??o da despesa p?blica assumidos pelo pa?s com organismos internacionais. No Brasil, onde os processos s?o muito recentes, essa interven??o se faz de forma indireta, motivada pela divulga??o dos comparativos internacionais. Sem estudos de prospec??o demogr?fica e sem planejamento de m?dio ou longo prazo, por aqui os reordenamentos v?o acontecendo ? medida que as escolas p?blicas v?o sendo esvaziadas pela redu??o de alunos, dentro do imediatismo que caracteriza as pol?ticas p?blicas brasileiras. Face ? quest?o demogr?fica e ?s reconfigura??es urbanas, os reordenamentos das redes escolares p?blicas s?o necess?rios e, indubitavelmente, fazem parte das pol?ticas de racionaliza??o dos recursos p?blicos anunciadas/implantadas pelos sucessivos governos. Entretanto, os processos carecem de transpar?ncia e abertura ? maior participa??o dos segmentos educacionais.

Submitted by PPG Hist?ria (historia-pg@pucrs.br) on 2018-10-10T19:38:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 VERS?O final TESE Alexandre Oliveira.pdf: 4812198 bytes, checksum: 58850ffd52de957a7549ea67fb423f54 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Caroline Xavier (caroline.xavier@pucrs.br) on 2018-10-16T17:34:24Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 VERS?O final TESE Alexandre Oliveira.pdf: 4812198 bytes, checksum: 58850ffd52de957a7549ea67fb423f54 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-16T17:39:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 VERS?O final TESE Alexandre Oliveira.pdf: 4812198 bytes, checksum: 58850ffd52de957a7549ea67fb423f54 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-29 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / This thesis aims at the transnational investigation of the work of Cardinals Sebasti?o Leme da Silveira Cintra in Brazil and Manuel Gon?alves Cerejeira in Portugal as agents of Catholicism in the process of restoring the social and political role that the Church had lost with its implantation of Republicanism in their respective countries, and the practices of the secular State adopted. The analysis of this process of reconquest of space permeated the beginning of the trajectory of the two clerics, raising established networks as well as their insertion in the religious context as members of Catholicism as an institution. With different trajectories, Sebasti?o Leme, at the beginning of his seminary training, established a network close to the Rector, which enabled him to carry out part of his studies in Europe. On the other hand, Manuel Cerejeira developed a more academic formation that allowed the clergyman to approach the main political currents of Portugal of the beginning of the XX century, mainly during the time that attended the University of Coimbra. The analyzes also establish a survey of the performance of the main groups of conservative identity in both Brazil and Portugal and their possible relations with Catholicism. Also the groups created by the Church itself that aimed to group the laity Catholics to seek together with the Church a wider space for religious policies, among which in Portugal, the Portuguese Catholic Center, the Academic Center for Christian Democracy, Catholic Action that was established in both countries. In Brazil Catholicism had the support of the Dom Vital Center of the Catholic Confederations, as well as the Catholic Electoral League, which in the 1930s represented the political bias that the Church adopted to increase its freedom of action. In the 1930s the two religious were raised to cardinals and glimpsed in front of the Estado Novo. Beyond the peculiarities of the countries, politics represented a dictatorial period. The year 1945 came as a singular year for the end of the polls because it is a year of change. In the world scene represents the end of World War II, the peculiarities of Brazil are concentrated at the end of the period of Cardinal Leme, although deceased in 1942, the country only had a new cardinal in 1946. In Portugal the end of the War brought a new vision political and social. Even Salazar remaining in office, the vision of totalitarianism gained a new outfit. / Esta tese tem como objetivo a investiga??o transnacional da atua??o dos cardeais Sebasti?o Leme da Silveira Cintra, no Brasil, e Manuel Gon?alves Cerejeira, em Portugal, como agentes do catolicismo no processo de restaura??o do papel social e pol?tico que a Igreja havia perdido com o a implanta??o do Republicanismo, nos respectivos pa?ses, e as pr?ticas do Estado laico adotadas. A an?lise deste processo de reconquista de espa?o permeou o in?cio da trajet?ria dos dois cl?rigos, levantando as redes estabelecidas assim como suas inser??es no contexto religioso como membros do catolicismo enquanto institui??o. Com trajet?rias distintas, Sebasti?o Leme j? no in?cio de sua forma??o no semin?rio estabeleceu uma rede pr?xima ao Reitor, que o proporcionou realizar parte de seus estudos na Europa. Por sua vez, Manuel Cerejeira desenvolveu uma forma??o mais acad?mica o que possibilitou ao cl?rigo se aproximar das principais correntes pol?ticas de Portugal do come?o do s?culo XX, principalmente durante o tempo que frequentou a Universidade de Coimbra. As an?lises tamb?m estabelecem um levantamento da atua??o dos principais grupos de identidade conservadora tanto no Brasil quanto em Portugal e suas poss?veis rela??es com o catolicismo. Tamb?m os grupos criados pela pr?pria Igreja que tiveram como objetivo agrupar o laicato cat?licos para buscarem juntos com a Igreja um espa?o mais amplo para as pol?ticas religiosas, dentre as quais em Portugal, o Centro Cat?lico Portugu?s, o Centro Acad?mico de Democracia Crist?, al?m da A??o Cat?lica que foi estabelecida nos dois pa?ses. No Brasil o catolicismo contou com o apoio do Centro Dom Vital, das Confedera??es Cat?licas, al?m da atua??o da Liga Eleitoral Cat?lica que, nos anos 1930, representou o vi?s pol?tico que a Igreja adotou para ampliar sua liberdade de atua??o. Nos anos 1930 os dois religiosos foram elevados a cardeais e vislumbram ? sua frente o Estado Novo. Para al?m das peculiaridades dos pa?ses, a pol?tica representou um per?odo ditatorial. A ano de 1945 surgiu como um ano singular para o fim das pesquisas por ser um ano de mudan?as. No cen?rio mundial representa o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial, as peculiaridades do Brasil se concentram no fim do per?odo do Cardeal Leme, embora falecido em 1942, o pa?s s? contou com novo cardeal em 1946. Em Portugal o fim da Guerra trouxe uma nova vis?o pol?tica e social. Mesmo Salazar permanecendo no governo, a vis?o do totalitarismo ganhou uma nova roupagem.

Submitted by PPG Ci?ncias Sociais (csociais-pg@pucrs.br) on 2018-10-25T19:12:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 M?rcio_Soares_ Rodrigues_Dis.pdf: 1650077 bytes, checksum: f295f0bb4fc140f92ad684e3b5956a9d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Sheila Dias (sheila.dias@pucrs.br) on 2018-10-26T13:46:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 M?rcio_Soares_ Rodrigues_Dis.pdf: 1650077 bytes, checksum: f295f0bb4fc140f92ad684e3b5956a9d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-26T13:52:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 M?rcio_Soares_ Rodrigues_Dis.pdf: 1650077 bytes, checksum: f295f0bb4fc140f92ad684e3b5956a9d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-28 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / The main purpose of this research is to answer the following question: what were the factors that influenced the members of the MDB party to choose between PMDB or PDT when the multiparty system was restored in the late 1970? We intended to answer that question in two parts. First, we will do a historical analysis that goes from the multiparty system period - that began after the ?Estado Novo? regime - until the final moments of the bipartisanship system, in order to, as proposed by Panebianco (2005), prioritize the analysis of the foundation of the political parties, especially the sections of PTB and MDB from Rio Grande do Sul, as well as its development in such an unusual context as an opposing party, seeking to know how power were distributed in both organizations and the consequences of this interaction when the MDB party was extinguished. Then, we will analyze the political history of the MDB members from the elite of Rio Grande do Sul, searching for patterns in their political careers that may elucidate the choices between the two parties, highlighting the MDB leaders that have decided to join PMDB or PDT. Based on the journalistic coverage of the newspapers ?Zero Hora? and ?Folha da Tarde? from that period of time, we will also investigate how those leaders publicly justified their decision, in order to, considering the Panebianco (2005) study of the collective and selective incentives, verify if they use ideological and/or doctrinal arguments to explain their decisions, according to the narrative structured by the main leaders of those two political parties in that time: Leonel Brizola and Pedro Simon. / A presente disserta??o tem como objetivo principal responder ? seguinte quest?o: quais fatores colaboraram para a defini??o dos emedebistas ga?chos pelo PMDB ou PDT quando do retorno ao pluripartidarismo no final da d?cada de 1970? Buscamos responder das seguintes formas. Primeiro, faremos uma an?lise hist?rica do per?odo pluripartid?rio que se inicia ap?s o Estado Novo at? os momentos finais do bipartidarismo, visando assim, conforme proposto por Panebianco (2005), priorizar a an?lise do momento de nascimento das legendas, principalmente as se??es ga?chas do PTB e do MDB, bem como seu desenvolvimento em um contexto t?o at?pico para uma legenda oposicionista, buscando conhecer a estrutura e forma como o poder era distribu?do dentro de ambas ?s organiza??es, assim como a consequ?ncia desta intera??o no momento da extin??o do MDB. Segundo, atrav?s da an?lise da trajet?ria pol?tica da elite emedebista do Rio Grande do Sul, buscaremos encontrar padr?es de carreiras pol?ticas que possam elucidar a escolha da agremia??o a ser adotada com o retorno do pluripartidarismo, priorizando assim aqueles l?deres emedebistas que caminham para o PMDB ou o PDT. Com base na cobertura jornal?stica dos jornais Zero Hora e Folha da Tarde do per?odo, vamos analisar ainda como os l?deres emedebistas justificaram publicamente suas decis?es a respeito dos partidos adotados com a extin??o do MDB, visando assim, com base nos incentivos coletivos e seletivos de Panebianco (2005), verificar se estes utilizam de argumentos ideol?gicos e/ou doutrin?rios para explicar suas decis?es, conforme a narrativa constru?da pelos principais l?deres das duas legendas no per?odo, Leonel Brizola e Pedro Simon.

The rate of DNA mutation is known to fluctuate across the genome but the patterns of mutation rate variation and molecular causes are poorly defined. It is important to understand these patterns of mutation as they influence where deleterious mutations are likely to arise and how rapidly sequences are likely to accumulate change between species, a measure often used as a proxy for functional constraint. In this work I investigate the relationship between DNA replication and apparent mutation hotspots adjacent to transcription factor binding sites. In eukaryotes both DNA strands are replicated simultaneously, the leading strand as a continuous stretch and the lagging strand as a series of discrete Okazaki fragments that are subsequently ligated together. Some transcription factors are able to bind the DNA lagging strand during replication and act as a partial barrier to DNA polymerase, resulting in the accumulation of Okazaki fragment junctions adjacent to these sites. I find that mutation rate is correlated genome wide with Okazaki junction frequency, suggesting that Okazaki junction processing may be error-prone. We present a mechanistic hypothesis to explain this locally elevated mutation rate and propose a role for lagging strand replication and its error-prone Pol α tract retention in the formation of these hotspots. I test this hypothesis using Okazaki fragment sequencing data from the yeast Saccharomyces cerevisiae to identify peaks in Okazaki junctions. When these peaks are aligned and orientated, so that the direction of lagging strand replication is uniform, I find a peak in substitution rate immediately downstream of Okazaki junctions, precisely where Pol α tract retention is predicted to occur. Novel binding motifs are identified within the underlying DNA of these junctions that can be assigned to known strong and fast-binding transcription factors, previously implicated in the phasing of nucleosomes, such as Reb1. I show that mutation hotspots adjacent to transcription factor binding sites are a conserved feature of eukaryotic genomes. In the human genome I predict sites of preferential Pol α retention using DNase I hypersensitivity footprint data. We observe that those footprints predicted as germline-specific manifest an elevated mutation signature. I propose that the rapid binding of some transcription factors to DNA following replication is required for nucleosome positioning or other important functions, however this incurs a cost in terms of locally elevated mutation rate adjacent to and within the sequence specific binding site. As a consequence these binding sites are biologically important mutational hotspots whose functional significance has been systematically underestimated by standard measures of sequence constraint.