Traditionnellement, les Etats contemporains s'appuient sur la police et l'armée qui constituent des secteurs et des instruments d'action publique bien identifiés pour assurer leur sécurité à la fois dans ses dimensions intérieures et extérieures. Néanmoins, en focalisant leur attention sur les secteurs militaire et policier, les recherches ont très souvent omis de prendre en considération d'autres dimensions organisationnelles et d’autres secteurs d'action publique qui ont pourtant joué un rôle, sans doute moins directement identifiable, mais néanmoins fondamental en la matière. Le secteur douanier relève de cette catégorie. Souvent appréhendé et réduit à sa fonction de protection économique, le secteur douanier a été pourtant largement mobilisé dans le gouvernement de la sécurité. A partir d'une analyse principalement socio-génétique et comparative (en articulant échelles nationale, européenne et globale), on se propose d'approfondir cette problématique en montrant comment le secteur douanier a été instrumenté dans la redéfinition des modes de gouvernement de la sécurité par les Etats et les ensembles politiques et économiques régionaux au cours de ces trente dernières années. Cette approche cherche ainsi à contribuer à une meilleure compréhension des assemblages de sécurité et à celle de la construction du champ de la sécurité. En mettant l’accent sur la transformation des rationalités et des référentiels de contrôle des flux transnationaux, et sur les hybridations entre secteurs douaniers et policiers, on montrera comment les douanes ont été et se sont « policiarisées » sans néanmoins abandonner leur autonomie organisationnelle et sectorielle. / Traditionally, contemporary states rely on the police and the military, which are wellidentified sectors and policy instruments to ensure their security in both internal and external dimensions. However, by focusing their attention on the military and police sectors, political science researchers have very often failed to consider other organizational dimensions and other policy areas that have played a role, perhaps less directly identifiable, but nevertheless fundamental in this area. The customs are part from this category. Often apprehended and reduced to its function of economic protection, the customs sector was nevertheless widely mobilized in the government of security. Based on a predominantly socio-genetic and comparative analysis (articulating national, European and global scales), our work wants to explore this issue further by showing how the customs sector has been an instrument in redefining the governance of security implemented by States and regional political and economic groups over the last thirty years. Our approach seeks to contribute to a better understanding of security assemblages and the construction of the field of security. By focusing on the transformation of customs rationalities and reference standards for controlling transnational flows and on the hybridization between customs and police sectors, we will show how customs have been "policiarized" without nevertheless giving up their organizational and sectoral autonomy.

Thesis (M.P.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 2006.

Thesis (M. Soc. Sc.)--University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)--University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print.

Policing in the UK is undergoing fundamental transformation. In an emerging 'mixed economy' of social control, policing has become a complex assortment of public and private inputs. As non-emergency policing has gradually shifted away from the Home Office police service monopoly, the private security industry is acquiiing a much wider role. This small-scale qualitative study provides an original insight into the ideology and accountability of 50 security officers working for three of the market leaders in the manned-guarding industry. Particular attention is paid to their attitudes towards: their role in crime control, their relationship with the police service, and their own powers and accountability. Information is also provided about the professionalism of security officers, by presenting data about guards' social backgrounds, training and general orientation to work. The research suggests that guards are primarily concerned about providing a service to the private employers who pay them, and have flmdamentally different attitudes towards their work compared to public police officers. The conclusions underline the implications of the pnvatisation of policing for social and criminal justice, indicating the emergence of forms of 'private justice' as policing is increasingly undertaken by guards without even any nominal concerns to serve the public interest. Although this might be acceptable to the neo-liberal approach that has come to dominate public policy debate in the last quarter of the twentieth century, it would be regarded as worrying by more traditional social or political perspectives whether conservative, liberal or socialist. The low levels of professionalism suggested by this data gathered from the market leaders in the security industry also raise important questions about the potential effectiveness of the guards.

This thesis achieves four objectives. Firstly, it adds to the existing knowledge of radicalisation: it discusses the concept, and contextualises it within other forms of social phenomena such as drug-related crime. Secondly, it proposes a menu of indicators which predict or forewarn of the risk of radicalisation. Thirdly, it establishes perceptions of success at street level of modern local policing methods, namely Neighbourhood Policing and the National Intelligence Model, at identifying risk. Fourthly, it establishes a ‘toolkit’ of options which might be used by practitioners to ‘switch-off’ the radicalisation process. I argue that urban unrest, radicalisation and terrorism share common roots, with a number of key social pre-conditions existing prior to their onset: a sense of injustice, a lack of political representation, declining perceptions of legitimacy in state authorities, relative deprivation, (which may include unemployment, and a gap between expectation and achievement), discrimination and high levels of drug related crime, and I thus propose a theoretical ladder of escalation. I critically analyse policy responses arising from five seminal events, and I isolate five ‘critical success factors’ from them, suggesting that the problem in general terms is a failure to implement these success factors, thus contributing to the crisis. I revisit ‘tension indicators’ first developed following urban unrest in 1960’s America, and I link them to the critical success factors and the common roots theory. Using quantitative and qualitative primary data which consists largely of face-to-face interviews with community members, police officers, council workers and others involved in the interaction between the state and communities at street level in Oldham, Greater Manchester, I test these proposals and their links. I conclude that Neighbourhood Policing is largely successful; however the National Intelligence Model is flawed in its ability to deliver risk mitigation in this context.

Thesis (M.S.)--Central Connecticut State University, 2002. / Thesis advisor: Stephen M. Cox. " ... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Criminal Justice." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 31-33). Also available via the World Wide Web.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Villanova University, 2009. / Sociology & Criminal Justice Dept. Includes bibliographical references.