Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Texas, Dec., 2008. / Title from title page display. Includes bibliographical references.

No description available.

Magister Legum - LLM / In the South African local government context, municipalities are operationally governed through two arms: the political arm and the administrative arm. Both arms work simultaneously in ensuring that the municipality ‘move[s] progressively towards the social and economic upliftment of communities and the provision of basic services. Even though these arms work together, there has to be a separation of powers and adherence to the rule of law. Each arm must operate within its functions and do so without any favour or prejudice. Municipal managers head the administrative arm of the municipality. They are appointed by the political structure, known as the municipal council, of each municipality. Their role includes accountability and responsibility for, inter alia: the formation and development of an economical, effective, efficient and accountable administration; the management of municipal administration in accordance with the law; the appointment of staff and managing the communications between the municipality administration and its political structures. In consultation with the municipal manager, the municipal council appoints managers directly accountable to the municipal managers. The managers are referred to as section 56 managers (managers). Municipal managers and section 56 managers are the glue that holds the administrative side of municipalities together and are custodians of municipal finances.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2004. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 132-144). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2004. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 132-144). Also available on the Internet.

Women were one of the last social groups to conquer political rights in contemporary democracies. Although there are no more legal obstacles for female political participation (active and passive), women’s presence in Brazilian parliaments is minimal. In the Lower House of Parliament (Câmara dos Deputados), after 2014 Elections –that is, 19 years after gender quota regulations in Brazil– women still occupy less than 10% of the seats. That being the case, in this brief study, we revisit cultural, social and institutional variables which are commonly presented as a justification for female under-representation in Brazil. Subsequently, we address gender violence situations which took place in Brazil’s Lower House of Parliament, as well as how they were dealt with by this organization. Furthermore, in attempt to better understand the relations between gender, representation, violence and harassment in the political field, questionnaires were sent to representatives in the Lower House of Parliament, where the two paradigmatic cases which are object of this study took place. In this attempt, we also interview the Vice-Governor of a Brazilian state, a woman who can provide the perspective of the executive branch on the matter. The analysis of these results –including the percentage of answers– should allow us to raise a connection between gender violence in politics and female under-representation. / Las mujeres han sido uno de los últimos contingentes sociales en alcanzar derechos políticos dentro de las democracias contemporáneas. A pesar de no subsistir impedimentos legales para su participación política (activa o pasiva), la presencia de mujeres en el parlamento brasileño es insignificante. En la Cámara de los Diputados, tras las elecciones de 2014 –19 años después de la regulación de las cuotas de género en Brasil– las mujeres todavía ocupan menos del 10% de los asientos. En este breve estudio, se revisan las variables culturales, sociales e institucionales que se presentan comúnmente como justificación para la baja representación femenina en Brasil. Posteriormente, serán revisadas algunas situaciones de violencia de género ocurridas en la Cámara de los Diputados y el trato que se les dio dentro del organismo. Asimismo, en el intento de obtener una idea de la relación entre representación, violencia y acoso político y de género, se enviaron cuestionarios a los miembros del Parlamento Federal, escenario en donde se desarrollaron los dos casos paradigmas que serán estudiados en este trabajo. Con el mismo fin, también se entrevistó a la vicegobernadora del Estado de Piauí-Brasil, que nos proporcionó una perspectiva sobre el tema objeto de estudio en el Poder Ejecutivo. El análisis de dichos resultados –incluyendo los porcentajes de las respuestas– permite delimitar la relación entre violencia de género en la política y laescasa representación femenina.

"As will be seen, the OAU Refugee Convention contains many provisions which, if not properly construed, might lead to a great curtailment of refugees' political rights. Yet the right to participate in the government of one's country is guaranteed by a number of international human rights isntruments. In any case, when people are forced to leave their country of origin, it is simply natural for them to seek the means whereby they could go back to their country of origin. ... Besides, not only voluntary repatriation is generally regarded as the most desirable solution to the refugee problem, but also it has been observed that a successful return is dependent upon the political conditions in the country of origin. It will be argued that refugees should be allowed and assisted to play a proactive role in order to create a political environment propitious to their return. ... The first chapter is a presentation of the study, its background, the research questions, the literature review, the methodology and the limitations to the study. The second chapter deals with the problems related to the refugee status and international protection. It is a presentation of the big picture of international refugee protection, with a focus on Africa. From an African point of view, it looks at the definition of the term refugee, the refugee status and the available protection mechanisms. The third chapter discusses the traditional durable solutions to the refugee problem, as well as the new approaches in refugee protection. It discusses the availablility, effectiveness and shortcomings of traditional solutions, and highlights repatriation as the most suitable solution to the refugee problem. The fourth chapter is a reflection on the right to repatriation and the extent to which political participation of refugees can be used to realise that right. This chapter examines the legal foundation of the right to return, the significance of political participation to that right, highlights the major obstacles to political participation of refugees, and puts forward ideas that might serve as guidelines for enhanced participation of refugees in the political life of their country of origin. The last chapter is a summary presentation of the conclusions and recommendations drawn from this study." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006. / Prepared under the supervision of Prof. T.P. van Reenen at the Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This study is the first systematic global analysis of the impact of law on human rights, analyzing the impact of twenty-three constitution provisions and an international covenant on three measures of human rights behavior, over the period of 1976-1996. Three sets of constitutional provisions are analyzed, including 1) ten provisions for individual freedoms and due process rights, 2) nine provisions for elements of judicial independence and 3) four provisions that outline procedures for states of emergency. Additionally, the impact of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights on actual human rights behavior is analyzed. Each of these areas of law are evaluated individually, in multiple models in which different elements vary. For example, some models control for democracy with different measures, others divide the data into the Cold War and post-Cold War eras, and some test constitutional indices. Finally, all provisions are simultaneously analyzed in integrated models. Provisions for fair and public trials are consistently shown to decrease the probability of abuse. An index of four freedoms (speech, religion, association, and assembly) decreases the probability of abuse somewhat consistently. Three of the provisions for judicial independence are most consistent in reducing the probability of abuse: the provisions for exclusive judicial authority, for the finality of judges' decisions, and banning exceptional courts. Two of four states of emergency provisions decrease abuse as international lawyers have argued: the provisions for legislative declaration of the emergency and the ban against dissolving the legislature during an emergency. However, two of the provisions are shown to hurt human rights practices: the duration and the derogation provisions. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights does not demonstrate a statistically significant impact. While the performance of the constitutional provisions is less than legal scholars would hope, their combined impact over time are shown to be quite large, relative to the impacts of other factors shown to affect human rights abuse.

Thesis. 1976. M.S.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Political Science. / Microfiche copy available in Archives and Dewey. / Bibliography: leaves 91-98. / M.S.

This thesis presents a critical disability discourse analysis. It examines the discursive construction of disability and the personal and political positioning of disabled people. Focusing on disclosure, identity, activism, theory and policy issues relating to disabled people, the naturalisation and invalidation of the disabled body is explored and critiqued. Organised in three parts, the thesis begins by considering some significant historical moments, the sociolegal context and the recent politicisation of both disabled people and disability research. Disability is argued as embedded in, and institutionalised by, political regulatory structures and research that risks de-politicisation of it is critiqued. Part two considers theories, methods and the text data collected for the research. This defines the theoretical orientation to discursive psychology, discourse analysis and critical disability studies. Disability is articulated as an object in, and for interaction and its construction linked to historical, social and political structures that regulate and sustain the human subject. The text data used in the thesis is then presented in terms of the collection process and the organisation of extracts within the current thesis. The forms of text data collected include transcriptions of discussion groups with disabled people, front line workers and senior managers, policy documents, publicity imagery and Hansard records of parliamentary debates. Part three then presents a critical disability discourse analysis using this text data. Drawing on the framework of discourse analysis as articulated by Potter and Wetherell (1987) the discursive function, construction and variation of disability talk and textwork is critically considered. This reveals dilemmas of positioning and ideology during moments of disability disclosure. Analytical commentary argues that disability identity is constructed by an interpretative repertoire embedded in the antithesis of desired and valued life. The construction of ‘barriers’ in social model texts are also explored in discussion groups and local policy documents. This shows the recent distortion and colonisation of the social model, and suggests that the metaphor of ‘barriers’ used to signify the structures that disable people has lost its once radical and resistive power. Hansard records are then used to explore implications and dilemmas which arise regarding agency, autonomy and the disabled body in relation to dominant discourses of individualism and the challenges this poses for an ‘independent living’ reform strategy. The thesis concludes by asserting a discursive mode of disablism. This is suggested as a useful driver for research and initiatives to expose and challenge everyday discourses and practises that perpetuate the invalidation of the disabled body.