Submitted by FABIANA DA SILVA FRANÇA (fabiana21franca@gmail.com) on 2017-12-07T12:43:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ArquivoTotal.pdf: 10125630 bytes, checksum: 9955bce2bf9fcd0398c542e0011484bf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-07T12:43:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ArquivoTotal.pdf: 10125630 bytes, checksum: 9955bce2bf9fcd0398c542e0011484bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-07 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This study examined the dynamics linked to hunting, a way to experience and build niches. Accordingly, the participants in this study were the Kambiwá and Pippã, indigenous people of the backcountry of Pernambuco State. Nineteen individuals (7 Kambiwá and 12 Pippã) were interviewed; they cited 58 animals as game, including 25 mammals, 29 birds and 4 reptiles. If now, due to various factors, hunting becomes less common or some of these people stop hunting because this would be seen as a tradition. Because the hunting tradition is dynamic, it is resilient in an environment where deforestation, partly by non-indigenous people and often authorized by federal agencies, causes changes. With the loss of territory of the environment of the Pipipã and Kambiwá, the indigenous people struggle to maintain it, including the Chico Mendes Institute for Biodiversity Conservation (ICMBIO). The indigenous people in question know the boundaries of their territory (ancestor and claimed) and have extensive accounts of the ancestors associated with the Serra Negra. This is moreover a conservation unit, governed by specific agencies and managed by ICMBIO. In trying to understand such conflicts and talks by the parties, four employees of that municipality as well as the indigenous individuals were interviewed. Given this, one can understand the history of environments and processes of co-evolution of organisms, acting incisively in the construction of niches. In such movements, the actions of many subjects intertwine, alerting us to the need for integrative and collaborative approaches to minimize conflicts that are generated by perceptions viewed as antagonistic, considered opposing interests while showing similarities. / Este estudo abordou a dinâmica que está atrelada à atividade de caça, ao percebê-la como uma forma de experienciar e construir os nichos. Para tal, participaram deste trabalho os povos indígenas Kambiwá e Pipipã, localizados no sertão do Estado de Pernambuco, entrevistando-se 19 índios (7 do povo Kambiwá e 12 do povo Pipipã), que citaram 58 animais, sendo 25 mamíferos, 29 aves e 4 répteis. Se atualmente, por vários fatores, a caça torna-se menos frequente, nem por isto alguns indígenas deixam de realizá-la pois esta, segundo as percepções, seria uma tradição. Por ser dinâmica, a tradição da caça encontra processos de resignificação em um ambiente no qual o desmatamento por parte de nãoíndios, muitas vezes autorizada por órgãos federais, modifica e impõe alterações. A perda do território, do ambiente do povo Pipipã e Kambiwá, faz com que a luta dos indígenas pela manutenção deste se confronte, inclusive, com o Instituto Chico Mendes de Conservação da Biodiversidade (ICMBIO). Os povos indígenas em questão possuem limites de seu território (ancestral e reivindicado), além de extensas narrativas sobre os antepassados, associadas à Serra Negra. Esta, por sua vez, constitui-se em uma Unidade de Conservação, regida por dispositivos específicos e gerida pelo ICMBIO. Procurando compreender tais conflitos e os discursos proferidos pelas partes, foram entrevistados quatro funcionários da referida autarquia, além dos indígenas. Diante disto, compreende-se a historicidade dos ambientes e os processos de co-evolução dos organismos, atuando incisivamente na construção dos nichos. Em tais movimentos, as ações de diversos sujeitos se emaranham, nos alertando para a necessidade de abordagens integrativas e colaborativas, minimizando conflitos que são gerados por percepções postas como antagônicas, rotuladas como oposição de interesses enquanto guardam semelhanças.

Brackish water ecosystems such as mangroves are among the most biodiverse in the world. The mangroves located in the Gulf of California, Mexico are not an exception. This sea has been studied several times due to its biodiverse coastal ecosystems, one of these sites being “Marismas Nacionales” or National Marshes in the southeast area of the Gulf, which was the focus of the thesis. Local fishing communities have been present in the area since pre-Hispanic times and the area became recognized for their abundant oyster, shrimp, and finfish yields during the XX century. Overexploitation of fisheries in Mexico and national financial crisis opened the door to neoliberal policy and law reforms which affected directly and still affect the subsistence, economy and political power of the fishers in the area. Because of the neoliberal reforms, shrimp aquaculture became an important economic activity in and around the region of Marismas Nacionales by the end of the 1980s. By the 1990s international and national protection, instruments were implemented to revert the damages and pressures created by overexploited fishers, as well as by the new aquaculture practices introduced in the ecosystem, giving Marismas Nacionales the status of the biosphere reserve. The figure of biosphere reserve has reverted the damages in the ecosystem while preserving the communal land inside of it. Nevertheless, since the biosphere reserve does not cover the whole ecosystem, the political boundaries of the biosphere reserve have also been detrimental for the ecosystem and local fishers’ land tenure that remained outside of it, creating an inside/outside effect. The study was done considering the perspectives of the actors involved, mainly the fishers in the area through semi-structured interviews gathered using a snowball method, through second-hand sources collection and literature review. The analysis was done through the political ecology and political economy perspectives to examine the conflicts that were found. The neoliberal laws from the period between 1986 and 1992 have not stopped the depletion of fisheries in the Marismas Nacionales ecosystem. Additionally, with the combination of a lack of formal credit schemes leading to an exploitation by permit holders and middlemen; fishers, in particular, free fishers, in the Marismas Nacionales ecosystem have become vulnerable, as well as scapegoats for the shortcomings of the flawed policies. The most affected fishers inside Marismas Nacionales ecosystem where found outside the limits of the biosphere reserve, demonstrating the deficiencies of the biosphere reserve. Additionally, I claim that conservation instruments and areas around Mexico could potentially become part of a process of primitive accumulation which could end up in privatizing those areas as seen in other places around the world. Moreover, shrimp aquaculture seems to benefit from the conservation policies. Further research is advised in regulatory processes and conservation law schemes, as well as an accurate implementation in the Marismas Nacionales wetlands, that considers all those implicated.

Tanzania is famous for it’s beautiful nature and rich wildlife. Proud of it’s natural heritage, Tanzania has dedicated over 20% of it’s territory as protected areas to shield the wildlife from human interference. But the wildlife is regarded as a menace by the local communities that lives close to the impressive national parks. At the same time, the increasing human population threatens the survival of the large migratory species in the parks by blocking vital dispersal areas. This essay describes the human/wildlife conflict around Tarangire National Park and focuses on communities close to park borders. The intention is to examine if a buffer zone could solve the conflict in this area. By studying the political ecology of wildlife conservation in Tanzania, from local to global scale and through a historical perspective, it is concluded that the poor state-society relation as experienced in local communities is a crucial factor for the diminishing wildlife.

Nous analysons dans cette thèse le processus de structuration d'organisations politiques écologistes, le Green Party et les Verts, de manière comparative et à l'échelle régionale, sur la période 1974-1995. Nous étudions cinq dimensions de ce processus : structuration organisationnelle, évolution des clivages avec les autres formations politiques, évolutions électorales et stratégiques, parcours militants et médiatisation des écologistes. Nous mettons en évidence plusieurs processus se jouant à l'échelle régionale et locale et leur influence décisive sur l'échelle nationale (rôle moteur des fédérations régionales dans l'unification des Verts français, évolutions stratégiques locales) mais également l'impactrécurrent à l'échelle locale de dynamiques opérant à l'échelle européenne, surtout à partir de la formation d'un groupe écologiste au Parlement européen à partir de 1984. Dans les deux régions, les caractéristiques des partis Verts sont déterminées en premier lieu par la structure des clivages qui les opposent (ou apparentent) aux autres partis politiques ainsi que les parcours militants de leurs militants, deux facteurs qui donnent également lieu à de graves conflits internes. En Bretagne, les événements de mai 1968 puis un mouvement anti-nucléaire puissant contribuent à la structuration d'une famille politique consistante mais les Verts restent très fragiles sur le plan organisationnel, malgré une implantation électorale significative surtout à partir de 1989. Au Pays de Galles, le développement d'un mouvement écologiste autonome est entravée par la puissance du mouvement régionaliste et la présence au sein du parti travailliste de nombreux opposants à l'armement nucléaire, et le fait qu'une partie significative des militants du Green Party soient des nouveaux arrivants originaires d'Angleterre. Le Wales Green Party recueille de ce fait des résultats électoraux très faibles mais parvient à pérenniser son organisation et ses activités. / This thesis analyses the structuring of green political parties from a comparative perspective and at a regional (sub-national) scale, from 1974 to 1995. We study five dimensions of this process: organisational structuring, evolution of cleavages with other political parties, electoral and strategic evolutions, careers of activists, and media coverage (including a study of green media). Our research highlights several processes taking place at regional and local levels which have a decisive influence on the national scale (e. g. the crucial part played by regional federations in the unification of LesVerts in 1984 and early strategic evolutions at a local level) as well as the regional impact of dynamics developing at the European level, above all after the formation of a Green group in the European Parliament in 1984. In both regions, the Green parties are shaped first of all by the cleavages opposing (or relating) them to other parties and by the careers of their activists, two factors from which also stem serious internal conflicts. In Brittany, the impact of May 1968 followed by a successful movement against nuclear power have contributed to the transformation of the green movement into apolitical force but Les Verts have then remained very fragile as an organisation, despite significant electoral gains from 1989 onwards. In Wales, the green movement as a specific force is weakened by the strength of the regionalist movement, the opposition to nuclear weapons from many Labour Party activists and the fact that many Green Party activists in Wales are newcomers from England. The Wales Green Party thus obtains low electoral results but nevertheless succeeds in making its campaigns and activism durable.

A partir da Política Nacional de Meio Ambiente que instituiu a Avaliação de Impacto Ambiental e o Licenciamento Ambiental, e posteriormente, com os regulamentos das Resoluções CONAMA, a participação pública torna-se obrigatória na análise e tomada de decisão sobre a viabilidade ambiental de empreendimentos potencialmente poluidores ou de significativo impacto ambiental. O presente estudo problematiza o papel das Audiências Públicas no processo democrático de tomada de decisão, e como instrumento de proteção dos diferentes interesses envolvidos na construção de grandes empreendimentos de infraestrutura. O objetivo foi identificar e analisar os conflitos socioambientais evidenciados nas Audiências Públicas do projeto de ampliação do Porto de São Sebastião, localizado no litoral norte do Estado de São Paulo. Também buscou-se identificar os principais temas discutidos, os atores sociais envolvidos e a formação dos diferentes grupos de interesse. Utilizando o referencial teórico da ecologia política, pode-se definir a hipótese de que as Audiências Públicas não cumprem seu papel de proporcionar aos diversos segmentos sociais que atuam naquele território, com suas diferentes lógicas culturais, o acesso aos recursos naturais para a manutenção de seu modo de vida, e garantindo a sua sustentabilidade. A partir dos dados obtidos foi possível averiguar que embora as Audiências Públicas se configurem instrumentos democráticos, que se propõem ouvir as partes envolvidas, com seus anseios e preocupações, resultam apenas em um protocolo administrativo no processo de licenciamento ambiental, a serviço única e exclusivamente dos programas de desenvolvimento econômico em curso. Nesse sentido, se faz necessário repensar a instituição Audiência Pública, pois da forma como se evidencia, esta apenas legitima uma decisão já tomada a priori. Do contrário, cabe à sociedade civil organizada estar atenta e atuar de forma participativa, trazendo a si o protagonismo da história. Observou-se também que, para o caso do projeto de ampliação do porto de São Sebastião, os grupos em conflito se mostraram organizados, instruídos e capazes de ser articular politicamente para impedir, até o presente momento, que o processo de licenciamento ambiental seja conduzido sem observadas e legitimadas suas demandas. / After the Brazilian´s National Environmental Policy establishing the Environmental Impact Assessment and the Environmental Licensing, and later with the regulations of the CONAMA Resolutions\', public participation becomes mandatory in the analysis and decision-making on environmental viability of potentially polluting or significant environmental impact projects. This study discusses the role of public hearings in the democratic process of decision-making, and as an instrument of protection of the various interests involved in the construction of large infrastructure projects. The objective was to identify and analyze environmental conflicts evidenced in the hearings expansion project of the Public Port of San Sebastian, located on the northern coast of São Paulo. It also sought to identify the main topics discussed, the actors involved and the formation of different groups of interest. Using the theoretical framework of political ecology, one can define the hypothesis that public hearings do not fulfill their role of providing various social groups that operate in that territory with its different cultural logic, access to natural resources to maintain its way of life, and ensuring their sustainability. From the data obtained it was possible to ascertain that although public hearings to configure democratic instruments, that purport hear the parties involved, with their anxieties and concerns, results only in an administrative arrangement in the environmental licensing process, the only service exclusively of ongoing economic development programs. In this sense, it is necessary to rethink the institution Public Hearing because the way is evident, this only legitimizes a decision already taken a priori. Otherwise, it is up to civil society to be attentive and act in a participatory way, bringing them the role of history. It was also observed that, in the case of São Sebastião, the conflicting groups were organized, educated and able to be articulate politically to prevent, so far, that the licensing process is conducted without observed and legitimized their demands.

North American food environments have gone through dramatic shifts over the past six decades. During this period, we have witnessed the consolidation of a globalizing industrial agrifood regime, accompanied by new types of foods available and an excess of marketing. In recent years however, a growing number of scholars, environmentalists, rural organizations and consumers have highlighted the negative environmental and social impacts of this model of large scale, intensive monocultures. Another critique that has been more and more common is the lack of a comprehensive food literacy among youth populations. This thesis starts from the assumption that such knowledge is crucial to equip younger generations with the ability to understand the connections among these issues, to make conscious and informed choices and become engaged citizens, participating in transforming today’s predominantly unsustainable agrifood systems. This is essential as younger generations are the future consumers, heads of households and decision-makers in Canadian society. As such, one of the primary objectives of this research was to (re)situate the concept of food literacy amidst the many literatures while also providing an original comprehensive framework of analysis, reaffirming both its health and well-being and agrifood systems components. Consequently, and based on such assessments, the thesis offers an original and exploratory analysis of high school students’ food literacy levels. Using a mixed methods approach, it draws from qualitative and quantitative primary data resources and secondary literature to survey and compare eight groups of students in grades 9 and 10 in Ontario. Four of these groups took a food-related class and four were control groups, between two different types of food-related curricula. The research shows that a majority of the high school students who participated in the study have a basic level of food literacy. This is especially notable when including socio-environmental considerations in order to assess their level of agrifood systems’ literacy, which is the main focus and contribution that this research sought to evaluate.

Ecological economics has arisen over a period of three decades with a strong emphasis on the essential need to recognise the embeddedness of the economy in the biophysical. However, that element of realism is not matched by an equally well informed social theory. Indeed the tendency has been to adopt mainstream economic concepts, theories and models formulated of the basis of a formal mathematical deductivist approach that pays little or no attention to social reality. Similarly mainstream economic methods are employed as pragmatic devices for communication. As a result ecological economics has failed to develop its own consistent and coherent theory and failed to make the link between the social and the economic. In order to reverse this situation the social and political economy must be put to the fore and that is the aim of social ecological economics. This paper provides a brief overview of the arguments for such a development. The prospect is of unifying a range of critical thought on the social and environmental crises with the aim of informing the necessary social ecological transformation of the economy. / Series: SRE - Discussion Papers

Until the 1970s, small black fishing communities primarily populated Bahia’s north coast. A recent demand for luxury coastal real estate has radically altered the region’s social and environmental landscape. While Bahia’s population is roughly 80% poor and black, the coast is now a space of exclusivity and whiteness. Sewage infrastructure does not meet the needs of the growing population. Domestic sewage flows directly into urban rivers. Poor black fishers, whose food security and livelihoods depend on access to healthy water resources, suffer most in this context. This dissertation explores two interlinking forms of environmental racism – water pollution and racial profiling – that fishers in Praia de Buraquinho, Bahia, Brazil, experience daily. Based on fourteen months of ethnographic research, this project follows the lives of 75 fishers enmeshed in a struggle for environmental and racial justice. I uncover how coastal development has polluted the community's primary river fishery while private gated communities physically restrict fishers' access and subject them to racial profiling practices by private security guards. Ultimately, I argue that regional coastal development in Bahia represents a new model of capital accumulation through what I call “racialized environmental dispossession” that, as one Praia de Buraquinho fishers suggests, is "like watching a brother die."

The Florida Everglades is a highly diverse socionatural landscape that historically spanned much of the south Florida peninsula. Today, the Florida Everglades is an iconic but highly contested conservation landscape. It is the site of one of the world’s largest publicly funded ecological restoration programs, estimated to cost over $8 billion (U.S. GAO 2007), and it is home to over two million acres of federally protected lands, including the Big Cypress National Preserve and Everglades National Park. However, local people’s values, practices and histories overlap and often conflict with the global and eco-centric values linked to Everglades environmental conservation efforts, sparking environmental conflict. My dissertation research examined the cultural politics of nature associated with two Everglades conservation and ecological restoration projects: 1) the creation and stewardship of the Big Cypress National Preserve, and 2) the Tamiami Trail project at the northern boundary of Everglades National Park. Using multiple research methods including ethnographic fieldwork, archival research, participant observation, surveys and semi-structured interviews, I documented how these two projects have shaped environmental claims-making strategies to Everglades nature on the part of environmental NGOs, the National Park Service and local white outdoorsmen. In particular, I examined the emergence of an oppositional white identity called the Gladesmen Culture. My findings include the following: 1) just as different forms of nature are historically produced, contingent and power-laden, so too are different claims to Everglades nature; 2) identity politics are an integral dimension of Everglades environmental conflicts; and 3) the Big Cypress region’s history and contemporary conflicts are shaped by the broader political economy of development in south Florida. My dissertation concluded that identity politics, class and property relations have played a key, although not always obvious, role in shaping Everglades history and environmental claims-making, and that they continue to influence contemporary Everglades environmental conflicts.

Des origines de l'écologie politique à nos jours, beaucoup d'écologistes pensent qu'ils participent à la réalisation d'une transformation politique et sociale de leur univers social, ainsi que de l'univers scientifique, cela dépasse les limites d'un pays et d'un continent, mais cela recouvre aussi certaines particularités au niveau national. Nous nous proposons d'étudier les spécificités de l'écologie politique française en la mettant en relation avec l'écologie politique américaine, puis en insistant sur le rôle des acteurs radicaux pour redéfinir une écologie radicale moins consensuelle que l'écologie institutionnalisée. Au XXIe siècle, l'intensité du besoin social d'un courant politique et d'une science écologique s’accroît avec la multiplication des catastrophes humaines et naturelles et avec l'augmentation de leur visibilité dans les médias. L'écologie radicale se propose de répondre à ces nouveaux défis. Nous pouvons en dégager une spécificité de l'écologie politique française placée à la fois à proximité des acteurs politiques conventionnels acceptant les règles du jeu existant et à la fois à la lisière, ainsi qu'à l'écoute, des marges politiques. / From the origins of the political ecology to now days, many ecologists think they are involved in the process of political and social transformation of their social and scientific universes. But it exceeds national borders and also continental limits. We will study the specificity of the French political ecology and outlook it with the American political ecology and, then, we will incite on the role of radical actors to redefine a radical ecology less consensual that the institutionalized ecology. In the 21st century the social need for a political stream and an ecological science increases trough the multiplication of human and natural disasters and the rise of their visibility in medias. Radical ecology suggests answers to those new challenges. We could then draw the specificity of the French political ecology which is, at the same time, close to conventional political actors by accepting the rules of the political field, at its frontiers, and, finally in touch with political margins.