Cette thèse examine, depuis une perspective durkheimienne, le conflit politique en Allemagne sur le multiculturalisme, l’immigration, et l’identité nationale. L’analyse se fait dans la période entre le début de la crise des réfugiés en 2015 et l’élection fédérale allemande de septembre 2017. J’identifie quatre idéaux moraux, soit des visions idéales de la communauté allemande qui motivent les acteurs politique : l’idéal des Autonomen qui rejettent tout forme de pouvoir et de domination, l’idéal du Verfassungspatriotismus (le patriotisme constitutionnel) de la SPD (et une partie de la CDU), l’idéal de la nation (ethno)culturelle de la plupart de l’AfD (et la CSU et la WerteUnion), et l’idéal de la nation biologique de l’extrême droite. Au cœur de chaque idéal est un objet sacré qui sert d’autorité morale qui légitimant des prescriptions morales et qui amène à une série de vérités morales et de jugements moraux, la totalité duquel Émile Durkheim identifie comme un fait moral. Pour les Autonomen et les adhérents du Verfassungspatriotismus, l’objet sacré est l’individu conçu à travers le concept de la dignité humaine. Pour les autres, l’objet sacré est la nation allemande, conçue en termes (ethno)culturels ou en termes biologiques. Cette thèse argumente que ces idéaux moraux sont intrinsèquement profanatoires, dans le sens que les prescriptions morales d’un objet sacré (la dignité humaine) violent directement l’objet sacré de l’autre (la nation), et vice-versa. Ces idéaux sont tous en concurrence pour le pouvoir et l’influence, avec comme but d’avoir accès au pouvoir étatique allemand. Le résultat est un conflit politique qui traduit essentiellement un conflit moral. Ces conflits ont lieu dans le domaine légal, au sein des partis politique, et à travers la violence politique. Ces conflits touchent un nombre de sujets clés comme la liberté d’expression, le multiculturalisme, et l’extrémisme politique. La présente thèse cherche à comprendre ces conflits à travers le prisme du concept durkheimien du fait moral, et développe une sociologie du conflit moral durkheimien. Cette thèse s’inspire également de la théorie de conflit de Randall Collins, qui s’inspire elle aussi de l’œuvre de Durkheim. / This dissertation examines, from a Durkheimian perspective, political conflict in Germany around the issues of multiculturalism, immigration, and national identity within the context of the Refugee Crisis beginning in 2015 and ending roughly with the German Federal Election in September 2017. It identifies four moral ideals, or ideal visions of the German community, that motivated political actors during this period: the Autonomen ideal that rejects all forms of power and domination; the ideal of Verfassungspatriotismus (Constitutional Patriotism) of the SPD (and parts of the CDU); the ideal of the cultural or ethnocultural nation of much of the AfD (and the CSU and WerteUnion); and the ideal of the biological nation on the far-right. At the heart of each moral ideal is a sacred object that serves as a moral authority that legitimates certain moral prescriptions, and leads to a set of moral truths and moral judgments, the totality of which Émile Durkheim identifies as a moral fact. For the Autonomen and adherents of Verfassungspatriotismus the sacred object is the individual understood through the concept of human dignity. For others the sacred object is the German nation, understood either in an (ethno)cultural sense or a biological sense. As the dissertation argues, these different moral ideals are inherently profanatory to each other, such that the moral prescriptions inspired by one sacred object (human dignity) directly violate the sacred object of the other (the nation), and vice-versa. These ideals all compete with each other for power and influence within the German political sphere as a means to gain access to (or to dismantle) state power. The result is political conflict that takes place essentially within a moral framework. These conflicts occur in the legal domain, in battles over party leadership and membership, and through political violence; they touch on a number of key issues such as free speech, multiculturalism, and political extremism. This dissertation seeks to understand these conflicts through the prism of Durkheim’s concept of the moral fact and to develop a Durkheimian sociology of moral conflict. In this analysis, the dissertation draws on Randall Collins’ conflict theory, which Durkheim’s work also largely inspires.

The thesis examines the development of right-wing populist discourse in the Czech Republic and aims to define the forms and possible changes in populist discourse with a special emphasis on argumentation, then to interpret the changes in a broader social and political context. The research focuses on three organizational incarnations of right-wing populism: Public Affairs, Dawn of Direct Democracy - Tomio Okamura and Freedom and Direct Democracy - Tomio Okamura. The research method is a discursive-historical approach, which draws on the analysis of topoi. An analysis of the programs of the two movements and the party showed that the right-wing populist discourse has shifted from the original themes that the Public Affairs party has raised. These are included in the other two movements, but each adds something extra. From the initial anti-elite attitudes, social chauvinism and emphasis on direct democracy in the case of Public Affairs to nationalism and the promotion of national pride in the case of the Dawn, to the harsh euroscepticism, Islamophobia and anti-immigration appeals in the case of the SPD. The topoi used in the VV program is primarily topos of abuse, but the Dawn, with its specific appeal to national awareness, also introduces topos of people or topos of advantage, and the SPD clearly...

This thesis employs the globalization and integration-demarcation cleavage theory formulated by Huttar [2014] and Kriesi [2012], conception of populism formulated by Mudde [2017] and draws on Gramscian conception of civil society and hegemony. Aim of this thesis is to build a model of causal influence of globalization on cleavage and on populism, as was suggested by Hutter [2014]. After building this model, the aim is to explore how this theoretical relationship hold's over the 30 years since 90's, when the connection between globalization and new sociocultural cleavage had been theoretically suggested. For this model I am using KOF Globalization Index, European Values Survey datasets and Authoritarian Populism Index constructed and published by Timbro in years 1990, 1999, 2008 and 2017. This model is built on a dataset containing 38 countries on European continent or being a candidate country for EU. I am elaborating Hutter's theoretical suggestion and framing it in Gramscian conception of civil society. This allows me to suggest that populists are using organic crisis in a society to attract people who feel disjointed from current hegemonical elite and to create counterhegemony. The theory is, that globalization increases the tension between winners and losers of globalization sides of cleavage...

Although the world has experienced great progress in the area of Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR), the contemporary transnational turn towards nationalist, right-wing and populist politics has generated a backlash, primarily affecting women and members of the LGBTQ-community (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer/questioning). Yet, opposition to gender and sexual equality, particularly in the European context, is undertheorized. Hence, this thesis sets out to explore and understand the dynamics of political homophobia as a conscious political strategy in Poland and how the homophobic rhetoric pursued by the governing party PiS and their allies has achieved resonance. That is, how anti-LGBTQ ideas have gained support as they echo the ideas, beliefs and values central to potential adherents. The advancements of political homophobia in today’s Poland is rather puzzling since there has not been an upswing in homophobic values among the population. Although the Polish society is not intrinsically homophobic, the dominating values, norms, rules and practices are generally patriarchal and heteronormative. Due to the heteropatriarchal bias of the institutional context, this thesis suggests that both informal and formal institutions may enhance the resonance of the ideas embedded in the anti-LGBTQ ideas framing. Drawing on framing theory and new institutionalism, this thesis develops a framework to analyze this dynamic and reciprocal relationship between framing strategies and the institutional context. The first section of the two-stepped analysis describes how LGBTQ has been framed by identifying the core framing tasks and various framing strategies while the second part outlines various formal rules and informal norms that have facilitated the campaign and identifies how these institutions are heteronormative. The main findings suggest that conservative elites have managed to enhance resonance for their anti-LGBTQ ideas by framing the issue in congruence with heteronormative informal norms, which are perceived to be fundamental for Polish national identity and by exploiting pre-existing formal regulations, which are seemingly neutral but produce heteronormative effects.

The aim of this graduate thesis is to analyze if and how the extra-parliamentary subject Akce D.O.S.T. influence the society and if the subject can be described as radical right-wing populist. Case Mudd's concept of the populist radical right was applied in the Citizen Association Akce D.O.S.T. to answer to these questions. On the basis of the Piero Ignazi' s theory silent counterrevolution follows the evaluation if the current conditions for the growth of the extreme and radical right-wing parties and similar subjects are favourable in the Czech Republic and if their growth could be expected. Attention is also focused on whether the economic conditions that have an impact on voters, influence their support for right-wing parties.

The Diploma thesis will deal the main actors who support elements of direct democracy in Czech political system. Concurrently I want critically approach to their thesis and valorize its relevance, viability and potential impact for Czech society. First of all I will present each of elements of direct democracy, which are town meeting, initiative, referendum and recall. I refuse that a direct election of president or other political actor is an element of direct democracy. I classify a direct election of political actor like a synonym of representative democracy in this Diploma thesis. I will also present examples of countries like Switzerland or California, which has huge experience with using of direct democracy. Focus of my interest will be also on Scottish independence referendum and Slovak referendum about family and marriage. After this theoretical and empirical introduction I will critically approach to thesis about elements of direct democracy of Czech political actor like the Dawn of Direct Democracy, the Public Affairs, the Movement for Direct Democracy and the Czech Pirates Party, however I will mention other political actors and theirs ideas of elements of direct democracy, mainly I will mention the Czech government's proposition of law about general referendum in Czech republic. The...

Islamophobia and New Populism in Contemporary Western Europe: France and the Netherlands Bc. Martina Kočařová The Master thesis Islamophobia and New Populism in Contemporary Western Europe: France and the Netherlands explores current transformations of populism in contemporary Western Europe. The main objectives of the thesis are following: First, to verify a hypothesis implying that islamophobia has become a new feature of the contemporary populism, which has been consequently changing in terms of its content. Thus, it can hardly be classified as another form of the 'far right' politics. In this context, one may observe its shift towards the centre of the political party system. Second, based on the above outlined assumption, we aim to study whether the populist parties can be considered 'populist' in spite of the new features they have recently adopted. The theoretical framework of our research refers to Paul Taggart's conceptualisation of populism applying it on the cases of the French National Front under the lead of Marine Le Pen and the Dutch Party for Freedom and his leader Geert Wilders.

Ahead of the 2023 Greek legislative election and given the emerging political landscape, this paper focuses on how the immigration policy shift of the center-right government emerged from 2019 elections has affected the state of liberal democracy in the country. For that purpose, a case study was employed, based on data extracted from immigration policy reports and governing party’s manifestos. This thesis is relying on theories on the relationship between populism, immigration, and liberal democracies. Applying a theory-confirming case study through a qualitative content analysis facilitates researcher to explore how the immigration policy shift and anti-immigrant populism in Greece challenge the political system’s commitment to liberal democracy since 2019. Examining the case of how populist tendencies crept into immigration politics in Greece, the study tries to contribute to the discussion on how populism influences liberal democracies. The normative assessment of this case in a deductive way contributes to the investigation in a given theoretical framework. The thematic analysis suggests that certain aspects of liberal democracy can be challenged by the populist immigration policy shift in Greece.

[pt] Esta dissertação traz como tema a crise da democracia brasileira atual e como objetivo compreender a sua natureza. Através de uma abordagem interdisciplinar que une a Teoria Política e a Ciência Política ao Direito Constitucional, concedendo uma relevância central aos estudos teóricos da politóloga italiana Nadia Urbinati sobre modos de governabilidade desfiguradores da democracia representativa, quais sejam, a antipolítica, o populismo e o plebiscitarismo, a pesquisa bibliográfica busca, através de uma metodologia hipotético-dedutiva, interpretar e compreender a fase atual da terceira república brasileira, sob a ordem da Constituição de 1988, iniciada após as eleições gerais disruptivas de 2018. Neste sentido, sugiro, com base em estudos recentes, que após um breve período iniciado em 2019 com a marca de um governo-movimento caracterizado não apenas pelas três desfigurações democráticas concebidas por Urbinati, mas também por ensaios de ruptura institucional, o Governo eleito em 2018 termina por se render aos mecanismos próprios de um governo de coalizão. Ao fim, concluímos que as desfigurações democráticas (a antipolítica, o populismo e o plebiscitarismo), ou as ameaças de ruptura institucional autoritária, têm sido contidas pelas pressões do Congresso Nacional, com todos os seus custos lícitos e potencialmente ilícitos, pelo exercício da liberdade de imprensa, por pressões da opinião pública, bem como pelo contrapeso exercido pelo Poder Judiciário, dentro do seu papel no jogo de separação dos poderes, mas não impediram a criação de um ambiente de degradação constitucional (constitutional rot), conforme conceituação de Jack Balkin exposta na dissertação. / [en] This dissertation has as its theme the crisis of current Braziliam democracy and aims to understand its nature. Through an interdisciplinary approach that unites Political Theory and Political Science to Constitutional Law, giving a central relevance to the theoretical studies of the Italian political scientist Nadia Urbinati on modes of governability that disfigure representative democracy, namely, anti-politics, populism and plebiscitary. , the bibliographic research seeks, through a hypothetical-deductive methodology, to interpret and understand the current phase of the third Brazilian republic, under the order of the 1988 Constitution, which began after the disruptive general elections of 2018. In this sense, I suggest, based on recent studies, that after a brief period that started in 2019 with the mark of a government movement characterized not only by the three democratic disfigurements conceived by Urbinati but also by tests of institutional rupture, the elected government in 2018 ends up surrendering to the mechanisms of a coalition government. In the end, we conclude that democratic disfigurements (anti-political, populist, and plebiscitary), or threats of authoritarian institutional rupture, have been contained by the pressures of the National Congress, with all its licit and potentially illicit costs, for the exercise of freedom press, by pressure from public opinion, as well as by the balance exercised by the Judiciary, in its role in the game of separation of powers, but they did not prevent the creation of an environment of constitutional degradation (constitutional rot), according to Jack Balkin s conceptualization exposed in the dissertation.

Over the last few years, there has been a rise in alternative media in Sweden as well as in otherEuropean countries. Although alternative media has proven to have more impact on attitudesthan traditional media, the field has been given limited attention. Left-wing media, in particular,has been given little thought by scholars and comparative discourse studies of alternative mediaacross the left-right spectrum has up till now not been achieved. . In this study, alternative mediais explored with a migration approach to understand how Muslims are discursively depicted inalternative right-wing and left-wing media. Through a media-political populism approach, thisstudy indicates that right-wing alternative media depict Muslims as ‘the elite’, whereasalternative left-wing media depict Muslims as ‘the people. Furthermore, the analysis finds thatalternative media make use of populist strategies to further their political stance. Finally, findingssuggests that further research expand on the definition of alterative media