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481	#PropagandeLGBT #Théoriedugenre #Wokisme : veiller sur Twitter pour saisir l'évolution des discours anti-genre diffusés en France d'Estienne du Bourguet-Laquièze, Ugo 08 1900 (has links) Depuis l’essor d’Internet, et particulièrement des réseaux sociaux, les espaces en ligne sont devenus des canaux de communication privilégiés pour diffuser un discours s’opposant au « genre », à la « propagande LGBT », et plus récemment au « wokisme ». Dans ce mémoire, je m’inspire des pistes méthodologiques ouvertes par la littérature francophone sur les campagnes anti-genre numériques, pour proposer une actualisation des connaissances sur ces discours, à partir d’un corpus de tweets original collecté entre novembre 2022 et février 2023. En suivant une méthodologie mixte, combinant analyse quantitative et qualitative, je décris un corpus de 345 413 tweets à l’aide d’outils issus de la lexicométrie, pour mener une analyse critique de 70 micro-discours sélectionnés dans ce corpus. En croisant l’approche historique du discours (DHA) aux études critiques des discours issus des réseaux sociaux (SM-CDS), j’expose les vecteurs de diffusion des discours anti-genre, anti-lgbt et anti-wokisme, les thèmes qui les composent et les stratégies discursives qui les construisent, ainsi que les stratégies collectives à l’œuvre derrière la diffusion de ces types de discours. En me concentrant sur la « protection des enfants » comme thématique centrale, je montre un déplacement des discours anti-genre et anti-lgbt vers un rejet affirmé de la transidentité, et l’intégration de ces discours dans un discours contre le « wokisme » - soulignant, ce faisant, l’intérêt de privilégier une approche émique pour étudier ces campagnes. Je montre ensuite que le discours anti-wokisme passe par l’articulation d’un discours populiste – nationaliste, qui permet de formuler un appel à la protection de l’identité française contre les menaces supposées de l’Islam et du « wokisme ». Finalement, j’expose la circulation internationale des discours analysés, suggérant l’intégration de ce phénomène dans l’« ordre de désinformation », et dans une montée globale des discours populistes de droite radicale. / Since the rise of the Internet, and particularly social medias, online spaces have become privileged communication channels to express a discourse opposing "gender", "LGBT propaganda", and more recently "wokism". In this thesis, I draw on methodological approaches opened up by the francophone literature on digital anti-gender campaigns, to propose an update of knowledge on these discourses, based on an original corpus of tweets collected between november 2022 and february 2023. Following a mixed methodology, combining quantitative and qualitative analysis, I describe a corpus of 345 413 tweets using tools derived from lexicometrics, to conduct a critical analysis of 70 micro-discourses selected from this corpus. Crossing the discourse historical approach (DHA) with social media critical discourse studies (SM-CDS), I expose the vectors of diffusion of anti-gender, anti-lgbt and anti-wokism discourses, the themes that compose them and the discursive strategies that construct them, as well as the collective strategies at work behind the diffusion of these types of discourses. Focusing on "child protection" as a central theme, I show a shift in anti-gender and anti-lgbt discourses towards an assertive rejection of trans-identity, and the integration of these discourses into a discourse against "wokism" – underlining the value of privileging an emic approach in the study of "unpleasant movements". I then show that the anti-wokism discourse enables the articulation of a populist-nationalist discourse, which allows to formulate a call to protect the French identity against the supposed threats of Islam and "wokism". Finally, I outline the international circulation of the analyzed discourses, suggesting the integration of this phenomenon into the "disinformation order", and into a global rise of radical right-wing populist discourses. Approche émique Études critiques de discours Twitter Populisme Nationalisme Anti-genre Anti-wokisme Anti-lgbt Emic approach Critical discourse studies Populism Nationalism Anti-gender Anti-wokism
482	The Danish People’s Party’s downfall, a possible future for the Sweden Democrats? : Comparative analysis between far-right populist parties in Sweden and Denmark Töth, Robin, Byström, Aron January 2023 (has links) The purpose of this thesis aimed at trying to find out why the Sweden Democrats have increased their support, to become the second largest party in the Swedish parliament, while, the Danish People’s Party, has lost the majority of their support after being the second largest party in the Danish parliament to almost falling out a few years later. Is it possible for the Sweden Democrats to share the same fate? To find this out, we’ve decided to conduct this study using a qualitative comparative method, with a Most Similar System Design. The analysis mainly consists of two concepts to explain this phenomenon which are “Cordon Sanitaire” and “Normalization”. The results of the analysis show that in Denmark, the Danish People’s Party’s views and policies on migration, have gotten normalized across the political spectrum. As such, they can no longer argue that they are anti-establishment, but instead, they have become a part of the establishment themselves. In Sweden, the Sweden Democrats have been kept out of power, with a “cordon sanitaire”, and thus their view and policies have not gotten normalized and adopted by other parties, and therefore they have continued to grow. An interesting aspect of this is that recently, the Sweden Democrats have gotten normalized and they are now a support party for a right-wing government, which we argue might lead to a similar situation as in Denmark, meaning that the Sweden Democrats might lose support in the future. Danish People’s Party Denmark Far Right Migration Populism Radical Right-wing RRP-parties Sweden Sweden Democrats
483	Du « Convoi de la liberté » à l’état d’urgence : colère, réaction policière et médias sociaux Picard, Laurène 10 1900 (has links) Le 14 février 2022, le gouvernement fédéral du Canada déclenchait l’état d’urgence pour mettre fin aux manifestations du Convoi de la liberté qui se déroulaient principalement à Ottawa. Venus protester initialement contre les mesures sanitaires instaurées pour endiguer la pandémie de COVID-19, les manifestants ont occupé la ville avec leurs camions et autres véhicules pendant plus de deux semaines. Les revendications se sont rapidement étendues à des griefs plus larges contre le gouvernement, et le mouvement a été marqué dans l’opinion publique par des débordements physiques, matériels, mais aussi idéologiques. Après deux ans de restrictions imposées par l’urgence sanitaire, le Convoi de la liberté a constitué le point culminant de la mouvance d’opposition aux mesures sanitaires, et a connu un succès relativement inattendu alors que la majorité des Canadiens suivaient les règles de santé publique. Il est dès lors pertinent de comprendre comment ce mouvement est parvenu à prendre une telle ampleur, et de mettre en évidence les phénomènes sous-jacents à la colère des manifestants. Afin d’obtenir des éléments de réponse, les témoignages et autres documentations fournis par la Commission sur l’état d’urgence ont été analysés dans le cadre de cette étude exploratoire. Trois facteurs se sont montrés déterminants lors de cette analyse pour expliquer l’ampleur prise par le Convoi de la liberté, chacun exerçant une certaine influence sur les autres dans une dynamique de co-construction : l’efficacité de la mobilisation par la colère en temps de crise sanitaire, les défaillances de la réponse policière, et le rôle des médias sociaux qui ont transformé à la fois les codes des mouvements sociaux et l’environnement informationnel. L’étude de ces trois axes permet de révéler les problématiques plus profondes au Canada et dans la société occidentale de façon générale, témoignant d’une réelle crise de la démocratie et d’une polarisation sociale et politique croissante. / On February 14, 2022, Canada's federal government declared a state of emergency to put an end to the Freedom Convoy demonstrations, which took place mainly in Ottawa. Initially protesting the health measures introduced to contain the COVID-19 pandemic, the demonstrators occupied the city with their trucks and other vehicles for over two weeks. Demands soon extended to broader grievances against the government, and the movement was marked in public opinion by physical, material, and ideological outbursts. After two years of restrictions imposed by the health emergency, the Freedom Convoy was the culmination of the opposition to health measures, and a relatively unexpected success at a time when most Canadians were following public health rules. It is therefore pertinent to understand how this movement managed to gain such momentum, and to highlight the phenomena underlying the protesters' anger. To obtain some answers, the testimonies and other documentation provided by the Public order emergency commission were analyzed as part of this exploratory study. Three factors proved decisive in this analysis to explain the scale taken by the Freedom Convoy, each exerting a certain influence on the others in a dynamic of co-construction: the effectiveness of mobilization through anger in times of health crisis, the failings of the police response, and the role of social media in transforming both the codes of social movements and the informational environment. The study of these three axes reveals deeper issues in Canada and Western society in general, reflecting a real crisis of democracy and growing social and political polarization. Convoi de la liberté Freedom Convoy COVID-19 mandates Social movements Protest policing Social media Populism Public inquiry Mesures sanitaires Mouvements sociaux Gestion des foules Médias sociaux Populisme Enquête publique Criminology / Criminologie (UMI : 0627)
484	Tales from the Silent Majority: Conservative Populism and the Invention of Middle America Bickerstaff, Jeffrey Christopher 25 April 2011 (has links) No description available. American Literature Film Studies Literature Motion Pictures conservative movement white working class Middle America Social Issue Liberalism Republican Majority Democratic Party populism Richard Nixon Rabbit Redux John Updike crime judiciary Dirty Harry Magnum Force Death Wish Hardhat Riots Joe
485	Populism and the refugee crisis - The communication of the Hungarian government on the European refugee crisis in 2015-2016 Marton, Zsolt January 2017 (has links) The European refugee crisis sparked many debates within the European Union member states, as European countries had different ideas about handling the situation. As a result to the long negotiations without decisions, the crisis escalated, resulting in anti-immigrant, populist parties to emerge with big support among European citizens.The Hungarian government was among the first countries in the European Union to capitalise upon the refugee crisis by politicising the question of immigration, therefore, several anti-immigration campaigns were initiated in Hungary during 2015 and 2016.By analysing and comparing two campaign materials (one from 2015 and one from 2016) via the three-dimensional critical discourse analysis model of Fairclough, the thesis sought to identify the milestones and the rhetoric shifts of the communication of the Hungarian government that changed the public discourse in Hungary, as well as to point out similarities with populist practices in the anti-immigrant campaigns. The empirical analysis was carried out in the theoretical framework of discourse and power, populism, post-factuality, and agenda setting and framing.The text argued for a rhetorical shift between 2015 and 2016, in which the target of the governmental communication changed from refugees towards the European Union and its immigration policy. The thesis found evidence for the usage of populist practices that vastly affected the way Hungarians approach the question of immigration.It is hoped that this thesis could highlight the imbalance in the power relations of the public discourse in Hungary, and the findings could contribute to further analyses of populist campaigns in the period of the European refugee crisis. refugee populism Hungary political campaign refugee crisis politics campaign demagogy referendum European Union EU Hungarian discourse critical discourse analysis CDA power post-factuality post-truth immigration Social Sciences Samhällsvetenskap
486	Högerpopulistiska vindar i riksdagen. : En kvalitativ diskursanalys om riksdagspartiershögerpopulistiska retorik. Olsson, Lova January 2023 (has links) This essay intends to discover how a qualitative discourse of right-wing populismcan be seen within the Swedish parliament, by exploring how politicians in theparliament are using the "us against them" and if a scapegoat is created by doing so.The essay's key questions are going to examine the differences and similaritiesbetween the Social democratic government from 2020-2022 and the current centerright government compared to the opposition parties, between social democrats andcenter-right government on right-wing populist discourse, and what the media isnotifying about the political debate within the government. By doing so, we can find out important explanatory factors on why the shift inpolitics in Sweden has gone to more right-wing populist rhetoric, to understand whythis has been occurring in the Swedish government. By looking at the factors of whya rise of right-wing populism has occurred within different types of governmentparties and the type of similarities and differences they have on different parties’discourse about the framing of anti-immigration rhetoric. Sweden right-wing populism migration anti-immigration polarization media political parties government political debate framing “us against them” scapegoat Social democrats Moderate party Sweden democrats discourse Political Science Statsvetenskap
487	Understanding Populist Mobilization / How the Politics of Populism and Crisis Shapes Political Behavior Schürmann, Benjamin 24 June 2024 (has links) Populistische Ideen haben in den letzten 20 Jahren in westlichen Demokratien immer mehr Unterstützer:innen gefunden. Doch wieso ist populistische Politik gerade jetzt so erfolgreich? Grundsätzlich verstärken Populist:innen negativ geprägte Wahrnehmungen der politischen, ökonomischen und kulturellen Verhältnisse im Kontext gesellschaftlicher Liberalisierungsschübe. Um Legitimitätsprobleme repräsentativer Demokratien zu heilen und verwandte gesellschaftliche Krisen zu überwinden, fordern sie mehr direkte Beteiligung nach dem Majoritätsprinzip. In diesem Kontext liefern soziale Medien eine ideale Plattform, um populistische Unzufriedenheiten zu artikulieren und (neue) Wähler:innen zu mobilisieren. Vor diesem Hintergrund fragt diese Arbeit wie populistischen Mobilisierungsprozesse funktionieren. Zwei Papiere untersuchen, wie sich unterschiedliche Spielarten populistischer Unzufriedenheit auf politische Beteiligung und die populistische Parteiwahl auswirken. Das dritte Papier analysiert, wie politische Parteien populistische und krisenhafte Kommunikation in sozialen Medien nutzen. Der vierte Beitrag vergleicht den Einfluss von Parteikommunikation und politischen Einstellungen auf das politische Engagement. Für die empirischen Analysen wurden drei eigene Datenerhebungen durchgeführt (zwei Online-Umfragen der deutschen Wahlbevölkerung [N= 2.038; N= 2.024] und eine manuelle Inhaltsanalyse der Facebook-Kommunikation deutscher Parteien [N= 3.500]). Insgesamt erweitert diese Dissertation den Forschungsstand auf mehrfache Weise: Erstens bietet sie ein dynamisches Modell, dass die Determinanten populistischer Mobilisierung aus Angebots- und Nachfrageseite miteinander verknüpft. Zweitens klärt sie das Verhältnis von Populismus und krisenhafter Unzufriedenheit. Drittens widerspricht sie der Annahme, dass populistische Aktivierung die Probleme politischer Beteiligung heilt. Stattdessen wirkt Populismus primär als Entscheidungshilfe zugunsten populistischer Parteien bei Wahlen. / In the past 20 years, populist ideas fell on fertile ground in many Western democracies. But why is populist politics so successful right now? Basically, populists reinforce negative perceptions of political, economic and cultural conditions in the context of societal liberalization. To cure legitimacy problems of representative democracies and overcome related societal crises, they demand more direct participation according to the principle of majority rule. In this context, social media provide an ideal outlet for articulating populist dissatisfaction and mobilizing (new) voters. Against this background, this dissertation asks how populist mobilization processes work: The first two papers examine how different varieties of populist dissatisfaction among voters affect different modes of political engagement and populist voting. The third paper analyzes how political parties use populist and crisis-related communication in social media. Finally, the fourth article applies an experimental design to compare the effect of parties’ online communication and political attitudes on political engagement. For the empirical analyses, I conducted three self-collected datasets. I exploited data from two online surveys (paper I and paper II: N= 2,038; paper IV: N= 2,024) among the German electorate. For the third contribution, I conducted a manual content analysis (N= 3,500) of the Facebook communication of German political parties. This dissertation extends the body of research threefold: First, it provides a dynamic model linking various determinants of populist mobilization from the supply- and demand-side of the electoral market. Second, it updates state-of-the-art literature by disentangling the relationship between populism and crisis-related discontent. Third, it contradicts the idea that populist activation necessarily cures problems of political participation. Instead, populism primarily serves as a decision-making tool in favor of populist parties in elections. Populismus gesellschaftliche Unzufriedenheit politische Beteiligung politische Kommunikation Wahlforschung politische Einstellungen politische Partizipation Populism societal discontent political communication political behavior political attitudes politische Partizpation 300 Sozialwissenschaften MF 3386 MC 7000 MS 4350 ddc:320 ddc:300
488	Politiska konsekvenser med geografiska tendenser : En uppsats om den svenska populismens framväxt kopplat till teorier om geografisk och ekonomisk ojämlikhet Hassbring, Gustav January 2024 (has links) Syftet med denna uppsats har varit att undersöka hur teorier kring geografisk ojämlikhet, främst beskrivet av Andrés Rodriguez-Pose, kan beskriva den politiska tillväxten Sverigedemokraterna har haft i Sverige mellan valåren 2018 och 2022 på lokal och nationell nivå. Detta har genomförts med en kvantitativ metod, där två multipla regressionsanalyser, en för nationell och en för lokal nivå, har undersökts, där variablerna har operationaliserats från Rodriguez-Pose teorier. Sammanfogningen av demografisk data, såsom arbetslöshet, utbildningsnivå, ekonomisk standard och ålder, och valresultat för Sverigedemokraterna mellan åren 2018 och 2022 har skapats med hjälp av Geografiska Informationssystem-programmet ArcGIS Pro. Resultatet visar att det finns ett statistiskt signifikant samband mellan geografisk ojämlikhet och förändringen i Sverigedemokratiskt valstöd mellan åren 2018 och 2022. Resultatet påvisar även ett starkare lokalt än nationellt samband i den multipla regressionsanalysen. Däremot har båda utfallen små determinationskoefficienter, vilket indikerar att de valda modellerna inte i någon betydande mån förklarar förändringen i partistöd för Sverigedemokraterna mellan valen 2018 och 2022. Således har Rodriguez-Pose teorier om ekonomisk ojämlikhets påverkan på populism delvis bekräftats i en svensk kontext, men där sambanden har varit så pass svaga, att fler studier skulle behövas för att vidare bekräfta eller dementera teorin i Sverige. Populism Sverigedemokraterna Geografisk ojämlikhet Ekonomisk ojämlikhet Geografiska Informationssystem GIS Human Geography Kulturgeografi Economic Geography Ekonomisk geografi
489	Swedish Belief and Swedish Tradition : The Role of Religion in Sweden Democrat Nationalism Stenbäck, Tomas January 2020 (has links) In the context of Western, European, Nordic, and Swedish radical nationalism, this study is an analysis of the various ways the political party the Sweden Democrats talks about religion; primarily about Swedish Evangelical-Lutheran Christianity and the Church of Sweden. The study investigates the party expressions on religion and nationalism, using theoretical models of interpretation, constructed for this specific purpose, out of hermeneutic methodology. The purpose has been to analyse the different functions of the various ways the Sweden Democrats talk about religion, and to investigate how the references to religion legitimize the ideology of nationalism, with the aim to answer the following questions: How do the Sweden Democrats’ talk on religion function as an identity marker? In what way is it possible to distinguish an aspiration for cultural purity in the Sweden Democrats’ talk on religion? Is it possible to distinguish neo-racism in the Sweden Democrats’ talk on religion? In which ways can the Sweden Democrats’ talk on religion be regarded as political strategy? The results demonstrate in which ways the Sweden Democrats apply religion to promote the party perceptions of nationalism, as well as to legitimize the party conceptions of the Swedish nation and the Swedish people: Swedish Christianity and the Church of Sweden are used to identify Swedish culture and to identify contrasting foreign culture. Swedish Christianity is used as the determining factor between the good Swedish people and the bad other people. Swedish Christianity is used as the determining factor between the right Swedish values and the wrong values of the other. Swedish Christian values are used as dividing criteria between the culturally pure Swedish people and the culturally impure other people. The degeneration of the Church of Sweden mirrors the degeneration of the Swedish society. Swedish Christian homogeneity will guarantee security for the Swedish people and the Swedish nation within the Swedish nation-state. Elements of religion and culture sort different peoples into different categories in the hierarchical view of humanity. Swedish Christianity and Swedish culture identify and define the Swedish people as innocent to the current precarious situation of the Swedish nation, and Swedish Christianity and Swedish culture identify and define the people of the other, which is to blame for this situation. The Swedish people is superior, to the non-Swedish people, because of superior Swedish religion and superior Swedish culture. Swedish Christianity is used to promote anti-democratic political positions. Swedish Christianity is used to legitimize coercion and force in the enforcement of Swedishness. Nation Nationalism Radical nationalism Populism Populist radical right PRR Right-wing populism Politics Legitimization Legitimation Belief Tradition Culture Religion Christianity Church Evangelical-Lutheranism Lutheranism Lutheran The Church of Sweden People The people Peoples Folk The folk Swedes Swedish Swedishness Sweden Identity Identification Purity Cultural purity Neo-racism New racism Culture racism Cultural racism Political strategy The Sweden Democrats Nation Nationalism Radikalnationalism Radikal nationalism Populism Högerpopulism Politik Legitimering Tro Tradition Kultur Religion Kristendom Kyrkan Evangelisk- Luthersk Luthersk Lutherdom Svenska kyrkan Folk Folket Svenskar Svensk Svenskhet Sverige Identitet Identifikation Renhet Kulturell renhet Nyrasism Ny rasism Kulturrasism Kulturell rasism Politisk strategi Sverigedemokraterna Religious Studies Religionsvetenskap Social Sciences Interdisciplinary Övrig annan samhällsvetenskap History of Ideas Idé- och lärdomshistoria History of Religions Religionshistoria Ethnology Etnologi Cultural Studies Kulturstudier Other Humanities not elsewhere specified Övrig annan humaniora
490	Politické myšlení a metody oslovování občanů nacionálně sociálního proudu české krajní pravice / Political thought of the national socialist line of the czech far right and the means the national socialists use to address the public Šůsová, Veronika January 2009 (has links) The Thesis analyses political thought of the contemporary czech national socialism and the methods the subjects considered to be part of this movement use to address cizizens. Among these subjects are the Worker's Party (of Social Justice), National Defiance and Autonomous nationalists. In the first chapter, the Thesis clarifies the specific background of the czech national socialism focusing on facts, figures and the latest development. Second and crucial chapter characterizes political thought of the czech national socialism. The last part of the Thesis focuses on the topics the before mentioned subjects use to address wide public, on their image, their rhetoric and the means of propaganda they turn to.

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