O objeto específico desta pesquisa de mestrado é investigar qual o modelo prosódico inicial na aquisição do português brasileiro (doravante PB) e a possível influência da metodologia utilizada nos resultados. Partindo da pressuposição de que há uma gramática inicial, dada pela gramática universal (CHOMSKY, 1981), autores que lidam com línguas germânicas afirmam que o troqueu é o modelo prosódico default na aquisição (cf. GERKEN, 1994; FIKKERT, 1994), e o mesmo é defendido por estudos que lidam com outras famílias lingüísticas (cf. ADAM & BAT-EL, 2007 para o hebraico; PRIETO, 2005 para o catalão, por exemplo). No entanto, os dados infantis do PB trazem complicações para a suposta tendência trocaica universal, pois estudos observacionais (naturalísticos) encontram uma tendência iâmbica (SANTOS, 2001, 2007; BONILHA, 2004; BAIA, 2006). Apesar de haver no cenário da literatura brasileira debates e estudos recentes a respeito do modelo prosódico inicial (cf. RAPP, 1994; BONILHA, 2004; SANTOS, 2006, 2007), algumas questões ainda permanecem. A maior parte desses trabalhos é composta por estudos observacionais e não experimentais, o contrário do que normalmente acontece na literatura estrangeira. O único estudo experimental no PB conhecido até então é o de Rapp (1994), o qual afirma haver uma tendência trocaica nos dados iniciais do PB. Enquanto a autora aponta uma tendência trocaica, nenhum estudo observacional a confirma; ao contrário, estes estudos levantam indícios a favor de uma tendência iâmbica inicial (BONILHA, 2004; SANTOS, 2006, 2007; BAIA, 2006). Logo a pesquisa aqui conduzida visa verificar se há influência da metodologia empregada nos resultados apresentados pela literatura brasilera. Para isso, nesta dissertação, são utilizadas as duas metodologias na análise dos dados (a experimental e a observacional): no estudo experimental, são analisados dados de 42 crianças na faixa etária de 1;5 3;0 anos, e no estudo observacional, são analisados dados de uma criança (LUI) na mesma faixa etária do estudo experimental. Os resultados obtidos por meio dos dois estudos realizados nesta pesquisa corroboram o que é afirmado pelo estudo experimental de Rapp (1994) e pelos estudos observacionais (SANTOS, 2006, 2007; BONILHA, 2004; BAIA, 2006). Dessa maneira, os resultados apresentam a mesma discrepância a respeito da tendência prosódica inicial presente na comparação entre os estudos que adotam diferentes métodos. No entanto, foi encontrada uma explicação para o que ocasiona tal discrepância. Notou-se que os iambos diminuem se o léxico particular e os verbos são excluídos dos dados. Sem o léxico particular e verbos, há uma predominância de SW em DES e DEX. Dessa maneira, a diferença entre os resultados do estudo experimental e dos estudos observacionais está relacionada com a metodologia empregada e, particularmente, com o inventário lexical e classe gramatical considerados na análise. Por fim, acredita-se que o estudo que desconsidere todos os tipos de produções infantis não pode afirmar, categoricamente, uma outra tendência inicial. Por essa razão, afirma-se que o PB apresenta uma tendência iâmbica inicial, tendência defendida pelos estudos observacionais (BAIA, 2006; SANTOS, 2007) que lidam com a produção lexical infantil na sua totalidade, embora não se trate de uma tendência forte e seja apenas uma tendência aparente de acordo com os resultados estatísticos deste estudo. Palavras-chave: acento, prosódia, modelo prosódico inicial, aquisição de linguagem / This research aims at investigating the initial prosodic template in the acquisition of Brazilian Portuguese (henceforth BP) and the influence of the methodology on the results presented by Brazilian literature so far. Following the view that there is an initial grammar (universal grammar) (CHOMSKY, 1981), authors who deal with Germanic languages state that the trochee is the initial prosodic template (see GERKEN, 1994; FIKKERT, 1994), and the same is claimed by studies that deal with languages from other families (see ADAM & BAT-EL, 2007 about Hebrew acquisition; PRIETO, 2005 about Catalan acquisition, for example). However, data from Brazilian children bring complications for this trochaic bias when show the results of observational studies (naturalistic studies), which point out an iambic bias instead (SANTOS, 2001, 2007; BONILHA, 2004; BAIA, 2006). Besides the discussions and recent studies about the prosodic initial template (see RAPP, 1994; BONILHA, 2004; SANTOS, 2006, 2007) that have been conducted by Brazilian researchers, some questions still remain. Most of these studies on BP acquisition are observational and they assert that there is an initial iambic bias, whereas there is only one experimental study (RAPP, 1994), which states that there is a trochaic bias. Therefore, the research conducted here aims at analyzing the influence of the employed methodology on the results. To make it possible, two methodologies are used in the analysis of data (the experimental and observational): in the experimental study, we analyze data of 42 children at age 1;5 3;0 years old, and in the observational study, we analyze data of a child (LUI) who is the same age of experimental group. The results corroborate what has been stated by the experimental study (RAPP, 1994) and by the observational ones (Santos, 2006, 2007; BONILHA, 2004; BAIA, 2006) because it was found the same discrepancy showed by these studies. But there is an explanation. It was noted that the number of iambs decreases if the particular lexicon (familiar words and lexical creations) and verbs are kept out of the data. Without this sort of words, there is a predominance of SW in DES and DEX. Thus, the difference between the results of the experimental study and observational ones is due to the employed methodology, particularly, due to the lexical inventory considered in the analysis. Finally, we believe that if the study does not take into account all types of childrens productions it can not state, categorically, any initial prosodic bias. Therefore, this study agrees with what has been stated by observational studies, i.e. BP early data show an iambic bias (BAIA, 2006; SANTOS, 2007), also, this was observed in the analysis of DES. However, the statistical results did not show any significant predominance of a specific prosodic template. Santos (2007) claims that there is not a universal prosodic template. For that reason we find a trochaic bias in Germanic languages and an iambic bias in BP

疑問詞語及疑問句是漢語研究的重要方面。傳統研究以及生成語法研究對疑問詞語和疑問句的句法做了大量研究。Feng(1995)指出韻律控制句法是語言的一個重要機制。在此基礎上，本文從韻律─句法接口入手，首次對上古漢語中韻律制約的疑問詞語及句法現象進行綜合的研究。 / 基於韻律的層級結構，本文從三個不同韻律層級探京韻律單位及其對應的韻律規則對疑問詞語及句法的制約作用。 / 第一章首先回顧二十多年來韻律句法學的研究，並對全文的理論背景進行介紹，最後概述本文的研究目的、主要觀點及研究方法。 / 第二章討論韻素音步導致的疑問詞「胡*ga」與「何*gal」的句法對立。本章指出「何*gal」是標準形式，「胡*ga」比「何*gal」少一個韻素/-l/，是特定語音環境下出現的弱化形式。這導致「胡*ga」比「何*gal」受到更多的句法限制。 / 第三章指出上古漢語中雙音節音步導致單雙音節疑問詞在不同的句法位置出現對立。在焦點重音、雙音節音步和核心重音的共同制約下，單音節疑問詞必須與相鄰成分組成雙音節音步。在非論元位置，單音節疑問詞變為雙音節疑問詞。但論元位置疑問詞己與動詞組合為雙音節，因此論元位置的單音節疑問詞沒有變為雙音節。這也導致在歷時演變中，論元位置的疑問詞晚於非論元位置疑問詞進行「雙音化」。 / 第四章集中討論一個重要的疑問結構「何/奚+(以)+XP+為」。本文首次指出狀語「何/奚為」通過「分配删略」生成表層結構「何/奚+(以)+XP+為」。而且本文更進一步指出是語調需要轉化為句末語氣詞的韻律要求迫使「何/奚為」進行「分配删略」。 / 第五章對全文進行總結，指出上述問題的討論，不僅為探索上古漢語特指疑問句的句法生成機制提供了新的材料和現象，而且它們豐富了我們對上古漢語面貌的認識。 / Wh-words and syntax of wh-questions are significant topics in Chinese linuistics.They have received a lot of attention from traditionaland generative studies.Feng (1995) proposed that prosodically-constrained syntax is a crucial mechanism. Based on this hypothesis, this paper will conduct an original and extensive research into phenomena of prosodically-constrained wh-morphology and syntax in Archaic Chines from prosody-syntax interface. / Based on Prosodic Hierachy Theory, this paper will explore different prosodic units and prosodic rules in different hierarchies impose constraints on morphology and syntax of wh-words and wh-questions. / The first chapter will review the history of prosodic-syntax research in the past twenty years, and then introduce the theoretical background of the whole paper. The research purpose, main points and methodology of this paper will be presented in the last section. / The second chapter will discuss the syntactic contrast between HU/*ga/and HE/*gal/ in Archaic Chinese results from the restrictions of bimoraic feet. This paper will argue that HE/*gal/ is analysed as a underlying form while HU/*ga/ represents a weak form. This will induce that HU/*ga/, with only one mora, is more constrictive than HE/*gal/ which has more mora . / The third chapter will point out that disyllabic foot results in the syntactic contrast between monosyllabic and disyllabic wh-words in Archaic Chinese. For the requirements of the focus stress , disyllabic feet and NSR (Nuclear Stress Rule), monosyllabic wh-words, weak forms bearing focus stress, will be substitued for disyllabic forms. Terefore a contrast will emerge between wh-words in argument and non-argument positions. At the same time the substitute will result in the appearance of disyllabicity of wh-words in argument positions is later than ones in non-argument positions through the process of diachronic change. / The fourth chapter will focus on an essential wh-question construction in Archaic Chinese - [HE/XI+(YI)+XP+WEI]. This paper will first propose that adjunct HE/XI generates that structure through the syntactic operation "Distributed Deletion". In addition, we first argue that the syntactic operation is activated by a prosodic request that intonations have to be transformed into sentence-final particls in the intonational phrases. / The fifth chapter will summarize the whole paper. It is suggested that demonstrations above will not only offer some novel phenomena of syntactic mechanisms for wh-questions in Archaic Chinese, but also will offer a distinctive perspective of Archaic Chinese. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 李果. / Parallel title from added title page. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 247-263). / Abstracts also in English. / Li Guo.

Li Yu Jia. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references. / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1. --- TTS Technology --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2. --- Prosody --- p.2 / Chapter 1.2.1. --- What is Prosody --- p.2 / Chapter 1.2.2. --- Prosody from Different Perspectives --- p.3 / Chapter 1.2.3. --- Acoustical Parameters of Prosody --- p.3 / Chapter 1.2.4. --- Prosody in TTS --- p.5 / Chapter 1.2.4.1 --- Analysis --- p.5 / Chapter 1.2.4.2 --- Modeling --- p.6 / Chapter 1.2.4.3 --- Evaluation --- p.6 / Chapter 1.3. --- Thesis Objectives --- p.7 / Chapter 1.4. --- Thesis Outline --- p.7 / Reference --- p.8 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Cantonese --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1. --- The Cantonese Dialect --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1.1. --- Phonology --- p.10 / Chapter 2.1.1.1 --- Initial --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1.1.2 --- Final --- p.12 / Chapter 2.1.1.3 --- Tone --- p.13 / Chapter 2.1.2. --- Phonological Constraints --- p.14 / Chapter 2.2. --- Tones in Cantonese --- p.15 / Chapter 2.2.1. --- Tone System --- p.15 / Chapter 2.2.2. --- Linguistic Significance --- p.18 / Chapter 2.2.3. --- Acoustical Realization --- p.18 / Chapter 2.3. --- Prosodic Variation in Continuous Cantonese Speech --- p.20 / Chapter 2.4. --- Cantonese Speech Corpus - CUProsody --- p.21 / Reference --- p.23 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- F0 Normalization --- p.25 / Chapter 3.1. --- F0 in Speech Production --- p.25 / Chapter 3.2. --- F0 Extraction --- p.27 / Chapter 3.3. --- Duration-normalized Tone Contour --- p.29 / Chapter 3.4. --- F0 Normalization --- p.30 / Chapter 3.4.1. --- Necessity and Motivation --- p.30 / Chapter 3.4.2. --- F0 Normalization --- p.33 / Chapter 3.4.2.1 --- Methodology --- p.33 / Chapter 3.4.2.2 --- Assumptions --- p.34 / Chapter 3.4.2.3 --- Estimation of Relative Tone Ratios --- p.35 / Chapter 3.4.2.4 --- Derivation of Phrase Curve --- p.37 / Chapter 3.4.2.5 --- Normalization of Absolute FO Values --- p.39 / Chapter 3.4.3. --- Experiments and Discussion --- p.39 / Chapter 3.5. --- Conclusions --- p.44 / Reference --- p.45 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Acoustical FO Analysis --- p.48 / Chapter 4.1. --- Methodology of FO Analysis --- p.48 / Chapter 4.1.1. --- Analysis-by-Synthesis --- p.48 / Chapter 4.1.2. --- Acoustical Analysis --- p.51 / Chapter 4.2. --- Acoustical FO Analysis for Cantonese --- p.52 / Chapter 4.2.1. --- Analysis of Phrase Curves --- p.52 / Chapter 4.2.2. --- Analysis of Tone Contours --- p.55 / Chapter 4.2.2.1 --- Context-independent Single-tone Contours --- p.56 / Chapter 4.2.2.2 --- Contextual Variation --- p.58 / Chapter 4.2.2.3 --- Co-articulated Tone Contours of Disyllabic Word --- p.59 / Chapter 4.2.2.4 --- Cross-word Contours --- p.62 / Chapter 4.2.2.5 --- Phrase-initial Tone Contours --- p.65 / Chapter 4.3. --- Summary --- p.66 / Reference --- p.67 / Chapter Chapter5 --- Prosody Modeling for Cantonese Text-to-Speech --- p.70 / Chapter 5.1. --- Parametric Model and Non-parametric Model --- p.70 / Chapter 5.2. --- Cantonese Text-to-Speech: Baseline System --- p.72 / Chapter 5.2.1. --- Sub-syllable Unit --- p.72 / Chapter 5.2.2. --- Text Analysis Module --- p.73 / Chapter 5.2.3. --- Acoustical Synthesis --- p.74 / Chapter 5.2.4. --- Prosody Module --- p.74 / Chapter 5.3. --- Enhanced Prosody Model --- p.74 / Chapter 5.3.1. --- Modeling Tone Contours --- p.75 / Chapter 5.3.1.1 --- Word-level FO Contours --- p.76 / Chapter 5.3.1.2 --- Phrase-initial Tone Contours --- p.77 / Chapter 5.3.1.3 --- Tone Contours at Word Boundary --- p.78 / Chapter 5.3.2. --- Modeling Phrase Curves --- p.79 / Chapter 5.3.3. --- Generation of Continuous FO Contours --- p.81 / Chapter 5.4. --- Summary --- p.81 / Reference --- p.82 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Performance Evaluation --- p.83 / Chapter 6.1. --- Introduction to Perceptual Test --- p.83 / Chapter 6.1.1. --- Aspects of Evaluation --- p.84 / Chapter 6.1.2. --- Methods of Judgment Test --- p.84 / Chapter 6.1.3. --- Problems in Perceptual Test --- p.85 / Chapter 6.2. --- Perceptual Tests for Cantonese TTS --- p.86 / Chapter 6.2.1. --- Intelligibility Tests --- p.86 / Chapter 6.2.1.1 --- Method --- p.86 / Chapter 6.2.1.2 --- Results --- p.88 / Chapter 6.2.1.3 --- Analysis --- p.89 / Chapter 6.2.2. --- Naturalness Tests --- p.90 / Chapter 6.2.2.1 --- Word-level --- p.90 / Chapter 6.2.2.1.1 --- Method --- p.90 / Chapter 6.2.2.1.2 --- Results --- p.91 / Chapter 6.2.3.1.3 --- Analysis --- p.91 / Chapter 6.2.2.2 --- Sentence-level --- p.92 / Chapter 6.2.2.2.1 --- Method --- p.92 / Chapter 6.2.2.2.2 --- Results --- p.93 / Chapter 6.2.2.2.3 --- Analysis --- p.94 / Chapter 6.3. --- Conclusions --- p.95 / Chapter 6.4. --- Summary --- p.95 / Reference --- p.96 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Conclusions and Future Work --- p.97 / Chapter 7.1. --- Conclusions --- p.97 / Chapter 7.2. --- Suggested Future Work --- p.99 / Appendix --- p.100 / Appendix 1 Linear Regression --- p.100 / Appendix 2 36 Templates of Cross-word Contours --- p.101 / Appendix 3 Word List for Word-level Tests --- p.102 / Appendix 4 Syllable Occurrence in Word List of Intelligibility Test --- p.108 / Appendix 5 Wrongly Identified Word List --- p.112 / Appendix 6 Confusion Matrix --- p.115 / Appendix 7 Unintelligible Word List --- p.117 / Appendix 8 Noisy Word List --- p.119 / Appendix 9 Sentence List for Naturalness Test --- p.120

O objeto específico desta pesquisa de mestrado é investigar qual o modelo prosódico inicial na aquisição do português brasileiro (doravante PB) e a possível influência da metodologia utilizada nos resultados. Partindo da pressuposição de que há uma gramática inicial, dada pela gramática universal (CHOMSKY, 1981), autores que lidam com línguas germânicas afirmam que o troqueu é o modelo prosódico default na aquisição (cf. GERKEN, 1994; FIKKERT, 1994), e o mesmo é defendido por estudos que lidam com outras famílias lingüísticas (cf. ADAM & BAT-EL, 2007 para o hebraico; PRIETO, 2005 para o catalão, por exemplo). No entanto, os dados infantis do PB trazem complicações para a suposta tendência trocaica universal, pois estudos observacionais (naturalísticos) encontram uma tendência iâmbica (SANTOS, 2001, 2007; BONILHA, 2004; BAIA, 2006). Apesar de haver no cenário da literatura brasileira debates e estudos recentes a respeito do modelo prosódico inicial (cf. RAPP, 1994; BONILHA, 2004; SANTOS, 2006, 2007), algumas questões ainda permanecem. A maior parte desses trabalhos é composta por estudos observacionais e não experimentais, o contrário do que normalmente acontece na literatura estrangeira. O único estudo experimental no PB conhecido até então é o de Rapp (1994), o qual afirma haver uma tendência trocaica nos dados iniciais do PB. Enquanto a autora aponta uma tendência trocaica, nenhum estudo observacional a confirma; ao contrário, estes estudos levantam indícios a favor de uma tendência iâmbica inicial (BONILHA, 2004; SANTOS, 2006, 2007; BAIA, 2006). Logo a pesquisa aqui conduzida visa verificar se há influência da metodologia empregada nos resultados apresentados pela literatura brasilera. Para isso, nesta dissertação, são utilizadas as duas metodologias na análise dos dados (a experimental e a observacional): no estudo experimental, são analisados dados de 42 crianças na faixa etária de 1;5 3;0 anos, e no estudo observacional, são analisados dados de uma criança (LUI) na mesma faixa etária do estudo experimental. Os resultados obtidos por meio dos dois estudos realizados nesta pesquisa corroboram o que é afirmado pelo estudo experimental de Rapp (1994) e pelos estudos observacionais (SANTOS, 2006, 2007; BONILHA, 2004; BAIA, 2006). Dessa maneira, os resultados apresentam a mesma discrepância a respeito da tendência prosódica inicial presente na comparação entre os estudos que adotam diferentes métodos. No entanto, foi encontrada uma explicação para o que ocasiona tal discrepância. Notou-se que os iambos diminuem se o léxico particular e os verbos são excluídos dos dados. Sem o léxico particular e verbos, há uma predominância de SW em DES e DEX. Dessa maneira, a diferença entre os resultados do estudo experimental e dos estudos observacionais está relacionada com a metodologia empregada e, particularmente, com o inventário lexical e classe gramatical considerados na análise. Por fim, acredita-se que o estudo que desconsidere todos os tipos de produções infantis não pode afirmar, categoricamente, uma outra tendência inicial. Por essa razão, afirma-se que o PB apresenta uma tendência iâmbica inicial, tendência defendida pelos estudos observacionais (BAIA, 2006; SANTOS, 2007) que lidam com a produção lexical infantil na sua totalidade, embora não se trate de uma tendência forte e seja apenas uma tendência aparente de acordo com os resultados estatísticos deste estudo. Palavras-chave: acento, prosódia, modelo prosódico inicial, aquisição de linguagem / This research aims at investigating the initial prosodic template in the acquisition of Brazilian Portuguese (henceforth BP) and the influence of the methodology on the results presented by Brazilian literature so far. Following the view that there is an initial grammar (universal grammar) (CHOMSKY, 1981), authors who deal with Germanic languages state that the trochee is the initial prosodic template (see GERKEN, 1994; FIKKERT, 1994), and the same is claimed by studies that deal with languages from other families (see ADAM & BAT-EL, 2007 about Hebrew acquisition; PRIETO, 2005 about Catalan acquisition, for example). However, data from Brazilian children bring complications for this trochaic bias when show the results of observational studies (naturalistic studies), which point out an iambic bias instead (SANTOS, 2001, 2007; BONILHA, 2004; BAIA, 2006). Besides the discussions and recent studies about the prosodic initial template (see RAPP, 1994; BONILHA, 2004; SANTOS, 2006, 2007) that have been conducted by Brazilian researchers, some questions still remain. Most of these studies on BP acquisition are observational and they assert that there is an initial iambic bias, whereas there is only one experimental study (RAPP, 1994), which states that there is a trochaic bias. Therefore, the research conducted here aims at analyzing the influence of the employed methodology on the results. To make it possible, two methodologies are used in the analysis of data (the experimental and observational): in the experimental study, we analyze data of 42 children at age 1;5 3;0 years old, and in the observational study, we analyze data of a child (LUI) who is the same age of experimental group. The results corroborate what has been stated by the experimental study (RAPP, 1994) and by the observational ones (Santos, 2006, 2007; BONILHA, 2004; BAIA, 2006) because it was found the same discrepancy showed by these studies. But there is an explanation. It was noted that the number of iambs decreases if the particular lexicon (familiar words and lexical creations) and verbs are kept out of the data. Without this sort of words, there is a predominance of SW in DES and DEX. Thus, the difference between the results of the experimental study and observational ones is due to the employed methodology, particularly, due to the lexical inventory considered in the analysis. Finally, we believe that if the study does not take into account all types of childrens productions it can not state, categorically, any initial prosodic bias. Therefore, this study agrees with what has been stated by observational studies, i.e. BP early data show an iambic bias (BAIA, 2006; SANTOS, 2007), also, this was observed in the analysis of DES. However, the statistical results did not show any significant predominance of a specific prosodic template. Santos (2007) claims that there is not a universal prosodic template. For that reason we find a trochaic bias in Germanic languages and an iambic bias in BP

O presente estudo procura reconstituir o sistema de categorias da melodia tonal a partir da investigação de algumas propriedades comuns ao aparelho fonador humano e aos instrumentos musicais reais e virtuais. Analisando essas propriedades à luz da teoria Glossemática (Hjelmslev, 1975) e da fonologia prosódica (Nespor & Vogel, 1986), a investigação chegou aos seguintes resultados: (I) dado que o sistema musical e o sistema fonológico possuem categorias comuns, pode-se sustentar a existência de um parentesco genético entre expressão verbal e expressão musical; (II) os sistemas apresentam orientações opostas: no sistema fonológico das línguas naturais, a categoria dos segmentos (ou constituintes) é relativamente expandida, enquanto a categoria dos suprasegmentos (ou caracterizantes) é concentrada. Inversamente, no sistema da melodia tonal é a categoria dos suprasegmentos que é relativamente expandida, enquanto a categoria dos segmentos é concentrada, (III) o efeito de sentido característico da melodia tonal é fruto de uma configuração sintagmática de suprasegmentos(cronemas, tonemas e dinamenas) hierarquicamente organizados; (IV) outras categorias do sistema melódico (andamento, dinâmica e timbre) ocupam um papel à parte ne hieraquia melódica e são as principais responsáveis pelas marcas deixadas no enunciado pela instância intérprete do sujeito da enunciação. / This work aims to discuss the tonal melodic system of categories by investigating some of the properties that are common to both the human vocal tract and to musical instruments - real or virtual. The analysis of these properties from the standpoint of the Glossematics theory (Hjelmslev, 1975) and of the prosodic phonology (Nespor & Vogel, 1986) led us to the following results: (I) because the music system and the phonological system comprise common categories it is possible to establish a genetic kinship between verbal and musical expression; (II) both systems present opposite properties: in the phonological system of natural languages the segmental categories (or constitutives) are relatively expanded whereas the suprasegmental categories (or characterizers) are concentrated. Conversely, in the tonal melodic system the suprasegmental categories are the ones that are relatively expanded whereas the segmental categories are concentrated; (III) the characteristic meaning effect of tonal melodies comes as a result of a hierarchly structured syntagmatic configuration of suprasegments (chronemes, tonemes, dynamenes); (IV) other categories of the melodic system (tempo, dynamics, timbre) play a distinct role in the melodic hierarchy and are the main responsible for the marks left on the text by the performer instance of the enunciation subject.

Esta dissertação trata dos processos fonológicos de elisão, ditongação e degeminação no falar de São Paulo. Além dos trabalhos clássicos sobre esses processos de sândi vocálico externo, em Português Brasileiro, serão apresentados dados de um experimento feito para este trabalho. De acordo com os dados do corpus desta dissertação, houve preferência pela aplicação da elisão e não da ditongação, nos casos em que ambos os processos eram possíveis. Os números referentes à elisão confirmaram a afirmação de Bisol com relação à aplicação categórica desse processo quando a vogal a ser elidida é [a]. No entanto, houve alta aplicação de elisão de [u], indicando um favorecimento pela elisão e não pela ditongação. Houve ainda algumas ocorrências de elisão de vogal [coronal], quando esta vogal era precedida por uma consoante que partilhava os mesmos traços com ela. Considerando-se os contextos para ditongos crescentes vs ditongos decrescentes, observou-se uma forte preferência pelo ditongo crescente nos dados coletados do dialeto de São Paulo. Finalmente, com relação à posição do contexto de aplicação dos processos, na seqüência de três vogais adjacentes (V1V2V3), observou-se que o contexto V1+V2 favorece a ocorrência de elisão, e não da ditongação. O processo de elisão, no corpus desta dissertação, foi mais aplicado quando a vogal a ser elidida estava na fronteira de grupos clíticos, podendo estar ou na fronteira de sintagmas fonológicos ou dentro de um mesmo sintagma. / This dissertation deals with the phonological processes of vowel elision, diphthongation and vowel degemination used by speakers from São Paulo. Besides presenting some classic studies about the so called processes of external sandhi in Brazilian Portuguese, this dissertation will also present new data recorded in order to carry on the analysis. Data showed that vowel elision is more productive than diphthongation in contexts within which both processes were possible to be applied. Besides, they confirmed Bisol\'s hypothesis that there is categorical use of vowel elision when the vowel (to be elided) is [a]. Nevertheless, elision of vowel [u] was also productive, indicating the preference for vowel elision over diphthongation. There were also some occurrences of coronal vowel elision, when this vowel and its preceding consonant shared phonological features. Also, it could be noted a strong preference for rising diphthongs, not for the falling ones, in the data collected in São Paulo. Finally, it was observed that the sequence \"first vowel + second vowel\" - V1+V2 - (in a sequence formed by three adjacent vowels - V1+V2+V3) favors the use of elision over diphthongation. Vowel elision, according to the data collected in order to carry on the analysis presented in this dissertation, was more productive in clitic group boundaries, within the phonological phrase as well as in phonological phrase boundaries.

It is well-known that the early assignment of prominence in sequences like THIRteen MEN vs. thirTEEN, (defined as the Rhythm Rule, or post-lexical stress shift), is an optional phenomenon. This dissertation examines some of the factors that encourage the application of stress shift in English and how it is phonetically realised. The aim is to answer two sets of questions related to why and how stress shift occurs in English: 1a) Does prosodic boundary strength influence stress shift? 1b) Does the adjacency of prominences above the level of the segmental string encourage stress shift? 2) How is stress shift realized? a) Is stress shift only a perceptual phenomenon? and b) Which syllables, if any, change acoustically when stress shift is perceived? To answer these questions, four experiments were designed. The first three experiments test whether the strength of the prosodic boundaries before and after the target word (e.g., canteen) influence stress shift. The effect of the strength of the left-edge prosodic boundary was investigated by comparing perceived stress patterns of the target (e.g., canteen) as produced in isolation where it is preceded by an utterance- and a phrase- initial prosodic boundary (the Isolated condition) with its rendition when embedded in a frame sentence (e.g., Say canteen again) where the left prosodic boundary before canteen is weaker (the Embedded condition). Results show a very clear tendency towards late phrasal prominence on the final accentable syllable (e.g., -teen in canteen) in the Embedded condition while in the Isolated condition this pattern appeared in less than half of the targets, showing that the stronger left boundary increased the incidence of stress shift. Two more experiments manipulated the strength of the boundary to the right of the target (#) respectively by changing the syntactic parse of the critical phrase (e.g. canteen cook) in sequences like (1) and by manipulating constituent length as in (2). Results showed that the syntactic manipulation significantly affected the strength of the prosodic boundary between the clashing words which was stronger in (1b) relative to (1a), and affected the incidence of stress shift, which was higher in (1a) relative to (1b). The length manipulation also affected the rate of stress shift, which was significantly higher in the phrase with the shorter word, e.g., soups (2a) relative to phrase with the longer word, e.g., supervisors (2b). (1) Example from the Syntax Experiment a. Who is the canteen (#) cook these days? (Pre-modifier + Noun) b. How do the canteen (#) cook these days? (NP + VP) (2) Example from the Length Experiment a. It should include the canteen (#) soups again. (Shorter constituent) b. It should include the canteen (#) supervisors again. (Longer constituent) Whilst we knew from the literature that the grouping of the clashing words within one Intonational Phrase (IP) encourages stress shift, results from the Syntax and Length experiments indicate that this (i.e., the phrasing of the clashing words within same IP) is not sufficient condition for the occurrence of stress shift, and that fine-grained degrees of boundary strength below the Intonational Phrase can drive changes in prominence pattern. The fact that higher rates of stress shift (and associated significant acoustic changes) were driven by manipulations of constituent length --for sequences with the same syntactic structure-- provides support for the idea that prosodic (rather than syntactic) boundaries directly influence stress shift. The fourth experiment tests the definition of stress clash in English in cases like fourteen candles where the two main lexical prominences are strictly adjacent along the time dimension, in fourteen canoes where the prominences are not adjacent in time, but adjacent at the higher levels of the metrical hierarchy, and in fourteen canteens where the main lexical prominences are not adjacent, and do not clash. This experiment highlighted and resolved an unacknowledged disagreement about what clash status sequences with one weak intervening syllable (e.g., fourTEEN caNOES). The fourTEEN caNOES type were shown to behave like metrically clashing sequences (e.g., fourteen CANdles) in attracting stress shift, and differently from the non-metrically-clashing sequences (e.g., fourteen CANTEENS) in discouraging it. These results provide empirical support for the Standard Metrical Theory (e.g. Selkirk, 1984; Nespor & Vogel, 1989) claim that 1) stress clash matters in triggering stress shift and that 2) stress clash in English is defined at the higher prosodic levels and not restricted to the level of the segmental string as indirectly assumed in a growing body of research (e.g., Vogel, Bunnel & Hoskins, 1995; Tomlinson, Liu & Fox Tree, 2014). Along with the establishment of prosodic boundary strength as one of the predictors influencing stress shift, another important contribution of the thesis is providing empirical evidence that the English Rhythm Rule is not solely a perceptual phenomenon and that it is associated with acoustic correlates. The main correlates of perceived stress shift consistently appearing across experiments is the decrease in the duration of the main lexical prominence of the target (e.g., -teen in canteen) and the increase of fundamental frequency and Sound Pressure Level peaks and on the initial syllable (e.g., canin canteen), when followed by a main clashing phrasal prominence. The acoustic analysis shows that the first accentable syllable also contributes in the perception of stress shift. This latter result does not lend support to the deletion formulation of the Rhythm Rule (Gussenhoven, 1991) which stipulates that the impressions of stress shift are solely associated with changes of prominence in the last accentable syllable of the target (e.g. -teen in canteen). Along with the determination of the acoustic correlates of perceived stress shift in English, the present research 1) indicates that fine-grained gradations of prosodic boundary strength can influence stress shift, 2) shows that while stress clash can increase the incidence of stress shift, stress shift can take place even in environments completely free of stress clash, and 3) provides evidence that stress clash should not be construed simply as the concatenation of two main lexical prominences along the time dimension.

abstract: With advances in automatic speech recognition, spoken dialogue systems are assuming increasingly social roles. There is a growing need for these systems to be socially responsive, capable of building rapport with users. In human-human interactions, rapport is critical to patient-doctor communication, conflict resolution, educational interactions, and social engagement. Rapport between people promotes successful collaboration, motivation, and task success. Dialogue systems which can build rapport with their user may produce similar effects, personalizing interactions to create better outcomes. This dissertation focuses on how dialogue systems can build rapport utilizing acoustic-prosodic entrainment. Acoustic-prosodic entrainment occurs when individuals adapt their acoustic-prosodic features of speech, such as tone of voice or loudness, to one another over the course of a conversation. Correlated with liking and task success, a dialogue system which entrains may enhance rapport. Entrainment, however, is very challenging to model. People entrain on different features in many ways and how to design entrainment to build rapport is unclear. The first goal of this dissertation is to explore how acoustic-prosodic entrainment can be modeled to build rapport. Towards this goal, this work presents a series of studies comparing, evaluating, and iterating on the design of entrainment, motivated and informed by human-human dialogue. These models of entrainment are implemented in the dialogue system of a robotic learning companion. Learning companions are educational agents that engage students socially to increase motivation and facilitate learning. As a learning companion’s ability to be socially responsive increases, so do vital learning outcomes. A second goal of this dissertation is to explore the effects of entrainment on concrete outcomes such as learning in interactions with robotic learning companions. This dissertation results in contributions both technical and theoretical. Technical contributions include a robust and modular dialogue system capable of producing prosodic entrainment and other socially-responsive behavior. One of the first systems of its kind, the results demonstrate that an entraining, social learning companion can positively build rapport and increase learning. This dissertation provides support for exploring phenomena like entrainment to enhance factors such as rapport and learning and provides a platform with which to explore these phenomena in future work. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Computer Science 2018

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Tone is a distinctive feature of the lexemes in tone languages. The information-structural category focus is usually marked by syntactic and morphological means in these languages, but sometimes also by intonation strategies. In intonation languages, focus is marked by pitch movements, which are also perceived as tone. The present article discusses prosodic focus marking in these two language types.