<p>U poslednjih tridesetak godina do&scaron;lo je do<br />značajnog napretka u ostvarivanju rodne<br />ravnopravnosti i prava žena na svetskom<br />nivou. Međutim, rodni jaz u oblasti<br />ekonomske i političke ravnopravnosti jo&scaron;<br />predstavlja poseban izazov za globalni<br />razvoj, ravnopravnu raspodelu resursa, kao i<br />sprečavanje rodno zasnovanog nasilja i<br />diskriminacije. Položaj žena u Srbiji prati<br />pokazatelje na svetskom nivou i bez obzira<br />na socijalističko nasleđe, uče&scaron;će žena u javnoj<br />sferi rada i politike jo&scaron; uvek je veliki izazov<br />za razvoj i modernizaciju dru&scaron;tva, kao i za<br />feminističku teoriju i praksu.<br />U teorijskom smislu teza se oslanja na<br />feminističku kritiku koncepta liberalnog<br />građanstva i rodne podele rada na javnu<br />sferu koja pripada mu&scaron;karcima, i privatnu<br />koja pripada ženama. Praktične posledice<br />ove podele utiču na položaj žena u javnoj, ali i<br />privatnoj sferi, uživanje prava na<br />ravnopravnost, život bez nasilja i<br />diskriminacije. Upravo zato je tranformacija<br />rodnog režima u sferi privatnosti i porodice<br />poseban izazov za sve aktere koji učestvuju u<br />kreiranju javnih politika, jer mogu da utiču<br />na menjanje patrijahalnih rodnih uloga i<br />obrazaca, ali i na njihovo jačanje. Stoga<br />politike podr&scaron;ke porodici predstavljaju važan<br />predmet proučavanja rodnih teorija i<br />feminističke prakse, posebno u kontekstu<br />slabljenja države blagostanja i redefinisanja<br />koncepta nege u globalnoj ekonomiji.<br />U radu ispitujem načine na koji javne politike<br />i zakonodavstvo u Srbiji od 2000. do 2014.<br />reguli&scaron;u rodne odnose u domenu porodičnog<br />života i na koji način te intervencije</p><p>doprinose rodnoj ravnopravnosti, odnosno<br />smanjenju rodne diskriminacije. Promene u<br />diskursu i praksi politika podr&scaron;ke porodici<br />posmatram u periodu od četrnaest godina<br />(2000‒2014), koji predstavlja početni period<br />dru&scaron;tvene, političke i ekonomske tranzicije u<br />Srbiji koja je diskurzivno neodvojiva od<br />evropskih integracija.<br />Politike podr&scaron;ke porodici predstavljaju<br />strate&scaron;ke i zakonske mere kojima se reguli&scaron;e<br />i olak&scaron;ava roditeljstvo i briga o zavisnim<br />članovima porodice (finansijske olak&scaron;ice za<br />porodice sa decom, ostvarivanje prava i<br />pristup različitim servisima brige i nege), kao<br />i mere koje reguli&scaron;u trži&scaron;te rada kako bi se<br />povećala zaposlenost i za&scaron;titile porodice sa<br />decom od nezaposlenosti i siroma&scaron;tva<br />(posebna za&scaron;tita trudnica, porodilja i majki<br />sa decom, usklađivanje porodičnog i<br />poslovnog života, roditeljsko odsustvo zbog<br />brige o detetu, fleksibilni oblici rada, ali i<br />mere zapo&scaron;ljavanja te&scaron;ko zapo&scaron;ljivih<br />kategorija stanovni&scaron;tva u oblasti nege).<br />U radu zastupam tezu da se proces<br />formulisanja pravnog i strate&scaron;kog okvira<br />politika podr&scaron;ke porodici nalazi pod uticajem<br />nekoliko faktora. Ti faktori su, pre svega,<br />globalna neoliberalna ekonomska, dru&scaron;tvena<br />i politička tranzicija od države blagostanja ka<br />državi rada, kao i odgovora regionalnih<br />(Evropska unija), odnosno<br />lokalnih/poluperiferijskih (Srbija) rodnih<br />režima na ove procese. Stoga je fokus rodne<br />analize politika podr&scaron;ke porodici na<br />potencijalnom &bdquo;iskrivljavanju i pro&scaron;irivanju&rdquo;<br />značenja rodne ravnopravnosti (Lombardo<br />et al., 2009), kao i u mehanizmima<br />uključenosti i isključenosti &bdquo;glasa&ldquo; pojedinih<br />aktera u proces odlučivanja o specifičnim<br />okvirima ovih politika.<br />Takođe, kreiranje javnih politika u privatnoj<br />sferi posmatram i u okviru primene koncepta<br />interesekcionalnosti (Crenshaw 1989) i<br />kritičkih studija maskuliniteta (Hearn 2004).<br />U istraživanju posebnu pažnju posvećujem<br />preduslovima i kriterijumima primene<br />strategije urodnjavanja u kreiranju javnih<br />politika (Verloo 2001). Kritički se osvrćem na<br />recepciju i primenu strategije urodnjavanja u</p><p>Srbiji, imajući u vidu njen transformativni<br />potencijal s jedne strane, a sa druge<br />tehnokratsko-birokratski pristup kreatora<br />politika i donosilaca odluka.<br />U disertaciji posebno analiziram ko-optiranje<br />urodnjavanja sa drugim ciljevima javnih<br />politika koje često ne moraju imati za cilj<br />rodnu ravnopravnost, već na primer,<br />konkurentnost na trži&scaron;tu rada ili povećanje<br />stope nataliteta. Primenu urodnjavanja<br />analizirala sam u okviru koncepta državnog<br />feminizma (MacBride and Mazur 2010) i<br />procesa evropeizacije, a u kontekstu postkonfliktnog,<br />post-socijalističkog dru&scaron;tva<br />poluperiferije u Srbiji (Blagojević 2009).<br />Disertacija nudi uvid u procese, institucije i<br />kriterijume koje je potrebno ispuniti kako bi<br />se tranformisali rodni režimi i otklonila<br />rodna diskriminacija i u privatnoj i javnoj<br />sferi. Rezultati istraživanja mogu biti od<br />koristi donosiocima odluka i kreatorima<br />politika u primeni informisanih odluka<br />prilikom uobličavanja politika podr&scaron;ke<br />porodici u Srbiji.</p> / <p>Over the past thirty years there has been<br />significant progress in achieving gender<br />equality and women&#39;s rights world-wide.<br />However, the gender gap in the area of<br />economic and political equality still poses a<br />special challenge to global development, the<br />equal distribution of resources, and the<br />prevention of gender-based violence and<br />discrimination. The position of women in<br />Serbia is part of this global trend and<br />regardless of socialist history, women&#39;s<br />participation in the public sphere of work and<br />politics is still a major challenge for the<br />development and modernization of society, as<br />well as for feminist theory and practice.<br />Theoretically, the thesis relies on a feminist<br />critique of the concept of liberal citizenship<br />and the gender division of labor, where the<br />public sphere is belonging to men, and private<br />to women. The practical consequences of this<br />division affect the position of women in the<br />public as well as the private sphere, the<br />enjoyment of the right to equality, life without<br />violence and discrimination. That is precisely<br />why the transformation of the gender regime<br />in the sphere of privacy and family is a<br />particular challenge for all actors involved in<br />the creation of public policies, as they can<br />influence the changing or strengthening of<br />patriarchal gender roles and patterns.<br />Therefore, family support policies are an<br />important subject of the study of gender<br />theories and feminist practice, especially in<br />the context of the weakening of the welfare<br />state and the redefinition of the concept of<br />care in the global economy.<br />In the thesis, I am examining the ways in</p><p>which public policies and legislation in Serbia<br />regulate gender relations in the domain of<br />family life from 2000 to 2014 and how these<br />interventions contribute to gender equality<br />and to the reduction of gender discrimination.<br />I study changes in discourse and practice of<br />family policies for a period of fourteen years<br />(2000-2014), which represents the beginning<br />of social, political and economic transition in<br />Serbia that is discursively inseparable from<br />European integration.<br />Family policies are strategic and legal<br />measures that regulate and facilitate<br />parenting and care for dependent family<br />members (financial relief for families with<br />children, exercising rights and access to<br />various care and care services), as well as<br />measures regulating the labor market to<br />increase employment and protection of<br />families with children from unemployment<br />and poverty (special protection of pregnant<br />women, maternity and mothers with children,<br />reconciliation of family and work life, parental<br />leave due to child care, flexible working<br />practices, as well as employment measures of<br />hard-to-employ categories of population in<br />the field of care).<br />In the dissertation, I argue that the process of<br />formulating the legal and strategic framework<br />of family policies in Serbia is under the<br />influence of several factors. These factors are,<br />above all, a global neoliberal economic, social<br />and political transition from the welfare state<br />to the workfare state, as well as the responses<br />of regional (European Union) and local /<br />semi-peripherial (Serbia) gender regimes to<br />these processes. Therefore, the focus of<br />gender analysis in the dissertation is the<br />family policy of supporting the family in the<br />potential &quot;stretching and bending&quot; of the<br />meaning of gender equality (Lombardo et al.,<br />2009), as well as in the mechanisms of<br />inclusion and exclusion of the &quot;voice&quot; of<br />individual actors in the decision-making<br />process on the specific frameworks of these<br />policies. Also, the creation of public policies in<br />the private sphere is also seen within the<br />theoretical framework and practical<br />application of the concept of intersectionality</p><p>(Crenshaw, 1989) and critical studies of men<br />and masculinity (Hearn, 2004).<br />In the dissertation, special attention is paid to<br />the preconditions and criteria of successful<br />implementation of the gender mainstreaming<br />in the creation of public policies (Verloo,<br />2001). It reflects critically on the reception<br />and implementation of the gender<br />mainstreaming in Serbia, bearing in mind its<br />transformative potential on the one hand, and<br />on the other, the technocratic-bureaucratic<br />approach of policymakers and decisionmakers.<br />In particular, the dissertation analyzes the cooption<br />of gender mainstreaming with other<br />policy outcomes that often do not have to<br />have as a goal gender equality, but for<br />example, labor market competitiveness or an<br />increase in the birth rate. Successful<br />application of the gender mainstraming was<br />specifically analyzed within the concept of<br />state feminism (MacBride and Mazur, 2010),<br />the process of EU accession, and in the context<br />of the post-conflict, post-socialist semiperiphery<br />society in Serbia (Blagojević, 2009).<br />The ultimate goal of the research is to support<br />decision-makers and policy makers in<br />implementing informed decisions when<br />shaping family policies in Serbia. At the same<br />time, the disertation offers a useful insight<br />into the processes, institutions and criteria<br />that need to be met in order to transform the<br />gender regimes and eliminate gender<br />discrimination in the private and public<br />sphere.</p>