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No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Durban-Westville, 1975.

This study which focusses on a coastal Swahili society, examines the economic, political and social evolution of the Tangan Muslim community through the various phases of its history. The study pays specific attention to the role played by religious leaders, whether as competitors, or simply as madrasa teachers in a community with a tradition of Islamic scholarship. At the macro-level, the relationship between various Muslim organizations and the state also receives our scrutiny. This is done through analysis of the educational system and its structuring of the social order. Finally, we assess the views of the Tangan religious leadership regarding religion and society against a general discussion of intra-religious issues and political developments in the country, thereby achieving a better understanding of Islam in contemporary Tanzania.

Spirituality in the discipline of nursing has gained popularity over the past two decades. National and provincial nursing associations and colleges expect nurses to be educated in providing spiritual health assessments and interventions in order to provide holistic nursing care. There is a paucity of research in the nursing literature on the meaning of spirituality from the perspectives of individuals who experience chronic mental illness, specifically schizophrenia. Spirituality remains an elusive construct, challenging psychiatric nurse educators, researchers and practitioners in the development of nursing curricula to guide psychiatric nursing practice. The focus of this research study was to develop a substantive theory about the experience of spirituality among individuals living with schizophrenia using grounded theory methodology in the tradition of Glaser and Strauss (1967). Forty semi-structured interviews and four focus groups were conducted with 20 participants who self-reported to be diagnosed with schizophrenia. Findings: The substantive theory "spirituality as connection" indicates that spirituality for persons living with schizophrenia involves a dialectical process in which one strives to be connected to one's spiritual self (body-mind-spirit), significant others (family, friends, G o d / Higher Power, health care professionals), community (others living with a mental illness, others who are well, a faith community, the community in which participants lived), and nature, while at the same time experiencing situations and incidents that promote disconnection from these sub-themes. Strategies used by participants to achieve connection included: taking prescribed atypical anti-psychotic medications, maintaining their health and a healthy lifestyle, use of prayer / meditation, caring for self and others, and engaging in creative activities that added meaning to their life experiences. Among the 17 factors contributing to connection, exemplars are: reconnecting with one's spirit through prayer and meditation, attending drop-in centres for persons living with a mental illness, and walking / hiking in nature. Outcomes include feeling peaceful, love, contentment, being accepted and nurtured by others. Among the 14 factors contributing to disconnection, exemplars are: the effect of the illness on relationships with other people, the stigma of being in a psychiatric ward, being unemployed, and taking typical antipsychotic medications. Outcomes include feeling powerlessness, isolation, rejection and alienation.

This thesis outlines two distinct modes of early sixteenth-century devotional practice (image-based and text-oriented), which in the context of the English reformation are increasingly represented as antithetical to one another, as Protestants champion the vernacular Bible and creed-based Christianity, while suppressing "idolatrous" images and traditional practices. Women readers, who tend to be vernacular readers, figure prominently in the religious controversy, and come to represent both the distinctives of Protestantism and anxieties around vernacular readership and hermeneutic agency. The vernacular woman reader stands in direct opposition to the priestly authority of masculine, Latin clerical culture; accordingly she is both rhetorically useful to the Protestant cause and a locus of cultural instability. I then turn to consider female Tudor translators as reading women, and translation itself (rather than a type of "feminine" writing) as a form of meditative or proclamatory reading. While translation has a traditional association with the meditative devotional reader, the religious controversy makes possible a more public and polemically motivated sort of translation by women, which, however, remains framed largely in terms of personal devotional activity. As the number of literate women grows throughout the century, translation (with reading) is also increasingly represented as a means of keeping women out of trouble, a development which reflects the growing acceptance of the Protestant contention that a good woman is a reading woman. The epistolary culture of the persecuted Marian Protestant community illustrates the construction of a community of readers in the Protestant language of spiritual family, and the role of the reading woman in sustaining that community. My concluding chapter outlines the continuing construction of a textual community of exemplary foremothers, a tradition of "godly, learned women," in which the virtuous woman reader is expected to participate. This distinctly Protestant pattern of literate female piety, alongside a growing number of women readers in Elizabethan England, increasingly shapes cultural ideals of female virtue.

The present study focusses on the description and analysis of the religious beliefs and practices of a central Taiwanese spirit-writing cult or "phoenix hall" (luantang). A phoenix hall is a voluntary religious association of congregational character centring upon communication with the gods by means of the divinatory technique of "spirit-writing" (fuluan). While spirit-writing can be and is used as an oracle for the solving of believers' personal problems, its more high-profile application is for the writing of so-called "morality books" (shanshu), i.e., books of religious instruction and moral exhortation. Spirit-writing cults are nowadays the most important sources of such works. Much attention has been given to morality books as mirrors of the social concerns of their times, but comparatively little work has been done on the groups that produce them and the meaning these works have for them. An adequate understanding of the meanings and functions of morality books, however, is impossible without some knowledge of the religious groups that produce them and the role played by morality books in their beliefs and practices. It is the objective of this thesis to provide a detailed description and analysis of one such group, the "Temple of the Martial Sage, Hall of Enlightened Orthodoxy" (Wumiao Mingzheng Tang), a phoenix hall in the city of Taizhong that was founded in 1976 and has played a significant role in the modern development of the shanshu genre through the active and varied publications programme of its publishing arm, the Phoenix Friend Magazine Society. The study utilizes data extracted from the Hall's published writings as well as interview, observation, and questionnaire data collected during an eight month period of field research in Taizhong. Part I provides a macrohistorical overview of the development of spirit-writing cults on the Chinese mainland (chapter 1) and on Taiwan (chapter 2) since the nineteenth century, leading up to the case-example's microhistory (chapter 3). Part II is devoted to an account of the beliefs and practices of the Wumiao Mingzheng Tang, including descriptions and analyses of its organization, deities, ritual activities, concepts of moral cultivation, and of the body of morality book literature it has produced over the years. The appendix contains samples of the cult's morality book and scriptural literature, as well as of various liturgical texts.

This study examines the situation and activities of Hindu temple women (devadasis) in the 9th-13th centuries, as revealed in Tamil inscriptions. These temple women, unlike their male counterparts or the devadasis of more recent times, were not primarily identified as temple servants, with professional expertise or ritual responsibilities, but were instead defined with reference to a particular status, predicated on relationship with a temple. This relationship was secured through the donations that temple women made to temples. In the course of the Chola period, the status of "temple woman" became increasingly well-defined and the numbers of temple women increased, while other types of women disappeared from public view. Temple women's strengthening links with--but marginal positions in--the temple are analyzed in this study with reference to the changes that occurred during this period in the structure of the temple and in the temple's position within the social environment.

This thesis concerns African women’s experience of comprehensive vulnerability, and a proposal to develop an African Women’s’ Public Theology to enable the church in Africa to adequately respond to that vulnerability. The research involved a case study of 126 women in the Kenyan district of Meru South undertaken through interviews, focus groups and participant observation, and revealed that women experience vulnerability in eight key areas, namely, Domestic violence, Inheritance, HIV and AIDS, Education, Health, Female Genital Mutilation, Polygamy and a lack of control and access to property. The thesis argues that this constitutes a comprehensive experience of vulnerability that has five fundamental causes, namely, Patriarchal traditions and customs; Poverty; Policies and law; Religion and the church; and Internalisation. The thesis then examines an appropriate response from Christians and the Church to this experience of comprehensive vulnerability. It notes that many of these concerns are voiced by African Women’s’ Theology, but that in order to adequately deal with the experiences and causes of women’s vulnerability identified in the research there is a need to engage the field of public policy, constitution and law making to really make a difference. An engagement with the male theologians, Duncan Forrester, Jesse Mugambi and Charles Villa-Vicencio provides the impetus to develop a public theology, whilst at the same time the thesis offers a gender sensitive critique of these attempts. Any public theology needs a social theory in order to engage the public sphere, and this thesis examines the work of the feminist philosopher and jurist, Martha Nussbaum in promoting the Human Capabilities Approach. We examine her formal proposal of ten fundamental human capabilities that should be supported by states and governments. Her work is affirmed for three important reasons, namely, it deals with the reality of women on the ground as revealed through the field research, it provides a public way of dealing with this vulnerability that is not based on one faith tradition, and yet thirdly, it is congruent with a Biblical faith that promotes Human Dignity, Freedom and Justice. In drawing the research to a close the thesis proposes an African Women’s Public Theology with the following seven characteristics. African Women’s Public Theology (i) is a member of the family of African Women’s Theologies, (ii) is grounded in the reality of the lives of African women, characterized by comprehensive vulnerability; (iii) claims the right for women to do theology in the public arena; (iv) works self-consciously in an inter- disciplinary manner; (v) challenges the church to be more active in seeking social justice, with an emphasis on gender justice; (vi) focuses on women’s capabilities – what they are actually able to be and to do; and (vii) challenges the hitherto male-dominated public theologies to take seriously the concerns, wisdom and passion of women seeking gender justice in Africa. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2008.

In recent times, there are some indications which suggest an attempt to relegate the traditional or pre-Christian notion of Nyorjmo to the background in the face of recent Christian expansion within the Ga community. This may be observed basically in two forms. First is the attitude and thinking which attempt to separate Nyorjmo, who is considered a holy God, totally from the creation, considered unholy. This view suggests that Nyorjmo is holy and therefore his name cannot be attached to any aspect of the creation which is considered corrupted with sin and evil. In this regard, a distinction is thus made between Nyorjmo, the Supreme Being, and nyorjmo, rain. A new word nugbo,1 literally 'water stranger' or 'foreign water' has therefore emerged and is now being used for rain by some Ga. Secondly, there is the assumption, especially among some Ga Christians, that hitherto, the Ga did not know about God and that it was Christianity and the proclamation of the Christian message that introduced the knowledge of God into the Ga religious culture. These views are, however, contrary to the thoughts of the traditional Ga. The pre- Christian notion of Nyoymo is that of a Supreme Being, who is not far removed from creation but deeply involved in its daily activities. Thus one finds the name of Nyorjmo attached to some elements within the creation, as the configurations of Nyoymo2 indicate. Again, contrary to the views held by some Ga Christians, oral and early written sources indicate that the notion of Nyorjmo was well established within the Ga religious and social life before the coming of Christianity. However, one realises that with the influence of Christianity and Bible translation, the concept Nyorjmo has expanded and assumed a new meaning to become the Christian God of the Bible, 'the Father of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.' 1 E. T. A. Abbey, Kedzi Afo Yordan (Gbele Ke Yarafeemo), (Accra: Bureau of Ghana Languages, 1968), p 37. 2 Johanness Zimmermann, A Grammatical Sketch of the Akra - or Ga -Language and some Specimen of it from the mouth of the Natives, (Stuttgert: J. F. Steinkopf, 1858), pp 243-244. See also M. E. Kropp Dakubu, 'Linguistic Pre-History and Historical Reconstruction: the Ga-Adangme Migrations' in Transaction of the Historical Society of Ghana, Vol. XIII (i), (Legon, June 1972), p 119. This research attempts to investigate the 'development' of Nyorjmo as a religious concept from its pre-Christian usage to the present. It looks at how Nyorjmo was recognised in the traditional religious life. This is done by analysing the general historical and religious backgrounds of the Ga people, focusing on key elements within the social, political, economic and religious settings. The work further assesses the impact of Christian influence on Ga culture, especially in the area of Bible translation, and also observes how the concept has gained a new meaning as a result of this engagement. The researcher concludes by exploring some of the implications raised in the work and attempts some suggestions on how Ga Christian theology may be developed to address these concerns. / Ye bei nee amli ni Kristojamo ebahe shi ni loolo le aabo moderj ni agbe Kristojamo ashwa ye Ga shikpoji ano le, tamo noni hie miihe akpa boni wonuo wiemo 'Nyonmo' le shishi wohaa ye wo blema shihile mli aloo dani Kristojamo le bashe bie. Enejeo kpofann ye gbei srotoi enyo ano. Klerjklen le, tamo noni ye wo nifeemoi ke wo susumoi amli le wokaa ake woten Nyonmo he nfoniri ko. Noji ake wonaa ake eye Kronkron ni nohewo le esda ni ake egbei bataa adeboo noko he kwraa ejaake nofeeno ni yoo je le mli le kpa ye he ni ehe ewo muji ke esha. Enehewo le mei komei taoo ni amegbla Nyonmo ni ji Tse Ofe le ke nyonmo ni neo le ten. Arjoo nyonmo ni neo le ake nugbo.1 Emli jalemo ji nu ni ebato gbo. Nugbo nee ji gbei ni nmenerjmene le Gamei komei ketseo nyonmo ni neo nee. No ni ji enyo le, Ga Kristofoi komei susuo ake Gamei lee Nyonmo ye blema bei le amli. Ene le eji sane ni naa wa ni yoo ahuntoo. Ye neke mei nee asusumo naa le, Kristojamo ke Nyonmo wiemo le gbee ke shwamo le ji noni ha Gamei na le ake Nyonmo ko ye, ye amejamo ke shihile mli. Shi moy neke susumo nee, jee Ga shikweebii asusumo ni. Eke noni amele ye Nyonmo he kpda gbee kwraa. Anokwale le ji ake beni Kristojamo ba ko Ga shikpon le no beebe le, Gamei le Nyonmo ake Ofe ni eta adeboo fee no, ni asan ejieo eheshi ye adeboo nibii komei ke Gamei anifeemo nii ke ame daa gbi shihile mli. Ene hewo je ni woyoseo ake Gamei ke Nyonmo gbei le ebata adeboo mli nibii komei ahe le.2 Asan jwerjmo nee ni kristofoi komei yoo ye Nyonmo he le jee ja keke ni ejda, shi moy ye Gamei awiemo ke woji ni anmlafee amli le, ejeo kpo fanrj ake Gamei le Nyonmo ye ame jamo ke jen shihile fee mli dani Kristojamo ba. 1 E. T. A. Abbey, Kedzi Afo Yordan (Gbele Ke Yarafeemo), (Accra: Bureau of Ghana Languages, 1968), p 37. 2 Johanness Zimmermann, A Grammatical Sketch of the Akra - or Ga -Language and some Specimen of it from the mouth of the Natives, (Stuttgert: J. F. Steinkopf, 1858), pp 243-244. See also M. E. Kropp Dakubu, 'Linguistic Pre-History and Historical Reconstruction: the Ga-Adangme Migrations' in Transaction of the Historical Society of Ghana, Vol. XIII (i), (Legon, June 1972), p 119. Shi ksle, woyoseo hu ake Kristojamo ke IJmals Kronkron shishitsoomo eye ebua ni else shishinumo ni Gamei yoo ye Nyonmo he le mli: agbene Gamsi naa Nyonmo ake Kristofoi aNyonmo, moni IJmale Kronkron yeo ehe odase ake eji wo Nuntso ke Yiwalaherelo Yesu Kristo Tse le. Oti ni yoo mi ninmaa nss mli ji ake magbls shi ni matao boni Gamei naa Nyonmo ye ame jamo ke ams shihils mli amshaa, ksjs blema, dani Kristojamo ba ks agbene tsakemoi srotoi ni eba ksje nakai bei le amli aahuu kebashi nmsns. Boni afee ni mi nine ashe oti nss he Is, mitao Gamsi ayino saji ks ams blema shihils amli, ni titri Is mikws ame jen shihils, mankuramo, nitsumoi, jarayeli ke jamoi fee aks meni abaanye akaseys nibii nee amli. Nokome hu ni mifee ye nikasemo nee mliji ake, mikws shishinumo hee ni Gamsi ena ye Nyonmo he, titri Is kstso IJmals Kronkron le shishitsoomo no, ks agbene boni Kristojamo hu etsake ams ashihils eha, ketso IJmale Kronkron Is kanemo no. Mimu shibgblsmo nee naa ke naawoo: gbe no ni abaatso ni Kristo he nilee baa shwere ye Gamsi aten. Eji mihemoksyeli aks nikasemo hee ni jso shigblsmo nee mli Is baa hsle Gamei ashi, titri le Kristofoi, koni ameyose ake nibii babaoo ye ame jen shihile ke blema saji amli ni baaye ebua ams bo ni afee ni ams nu Nyonmo shishi jogbann ni asan ams nys ameja le ye ame disrjtss ams shishinumo naa ksjetj shihils mli. / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermartzburg, 2006.

Through the invitation of the then traditional ruler of Bali Nyonga, the missionaries of the Basel Mission arrived there in 1903. They embarked on evangelisation especially through the opening of schools. They studied the mungaka language, translated the Bible into it and made several other publications. However in the process of translation they concluded in strong terms that the Bali had no notion of a Supreme Being who created heaven and earth. Professors, Bolaji Idowu, Kwame Bediako and others argue contrary to such missionary assertion above, that continuity from the old religion is what gives meaning to the understanding of the new. It is in this light that in this work we seek to explore the Bali Nyonga conception of the Supreme Being. We will also investigate Christian understanding of the God of Israel; whether he is understood only in the light of previous understanding or they consider him to be somebody whom they had never known in their worldview. The researcher begins however with the basic assumption that the new can be understood only in the light of the past. This is because the people have a few sayings, which clearly indicate that their past is so much, cherished. They say for example that Bo ma ni ntun mandzi mfi kui tsed I nden beh [one cannot dig a new road without cutting across the existing road], ntan 'wo' ka gha bun nden ma mi be mbe I ti' la' be nto nkwedkwed [the hawk said it is not good for old people to all die, lest one day people would take them for meat]1. There is also the name Dayebga [one cannot forget his homeland or their compound]. After introducing the work in chapter one, the next chapter presents a historical overview of the context of research. Chapter three explores the conception of God among the Bali Nyonga. The findings of Europeans are first presented followed by the understanding of indigenes. Chapter four considers the encounter between two conflicting worldviews and its consequences as the Gospel and missionaries [two different worldviews] came into contact with the Bali worldview. The next chapter investigates Christian practice and their understanding of God. We have done this by analysing some Church hymns and prayers. Chapter six is a summary of the findings and a theological reflection on the results of the findings. 1 The hawk is not eaten. By this proverb it is considered that if there are no old people to pass on old values the next generation may do things that are digressions from esteemed values. This saying emphasizes continuity. Babila Fochang, Wisdom of the Ancients - Some African Proverbs, Witty Sayings and their interpretations drawn mostly from Bali Nyonga in the North West province of Cameroon, Dschang: Dschang University Press, 2001, p.4 / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2004.