Concentrating on G.W.F. Hegel’s controversial Naturphilosophie (1830), Part I ventures the following thesis: Hegelian nature is characterized by a “constitutive lack.” Insofar as the natural register lacks the precision and necessity immanent within the dialectical developments of conceptual thought it is capable of radical novelty—the unexpected. This is important: it offers a sense of how the natural register is open to thought and yet, simultaneously, a source of that which has the perpetual possibility of undermining conceptual distinctions and anticipations. The remainder of the project systematically maps what such a conception of nature must mean in terms of Hegel’s concept of spirit (Geist). Consequently, Part II analyzes Hegel’s bizarre account of psychopathology. The central thesis in this context claims that what Hegel’s speculative analysis of ‘madness’ shows us are the ways in which subjectivity might be dominated by its material-instinctual dimension as it unfolds within the unconscious depths of concrete subjectivity. Subjectivity retains the perpetual possibility of regression insofar as it reverts to being materially (maternally) determined strictly by way of externality. Questioning the presupposition of nature’s complete sublation, Part III focuses on Hegel’s political writings. Hegel’s analysis of criminality and punishment allows for the possibility of what we will call “surplus repressive punishment.” A surplus repressive punishment, a brute form of natural external pressure, would constitute spirit’s, i.e. freedom’s, “regressive de-actualization” at both the individual (subjective) and intersubjective (objective, communal) levels. Therefore, surplus repressive punishment, as an expression of spirit’s naturality, serves to undermine spirit’s objective actualization in its entirety. The problem of nature remains very much an active dimension of spirit’s concrete actualization at the socio-political level. The project offers a precise indication of how Hegel’s philosophy of spirit, i.e. his philosophy of freedom, is one intertwined with the problem instantiated by the matrices of nature. Sensitivity to this problem, that there is a problem here, and that Hegel’s system can be pursued to address it is one of the not always recognized merits of his thought. Simultaneously, Hegel’s system becomes surprisingly relevant for our contemporary world insofar as nature remains a problem for our living present.

Eukaryotic DNA is packaged into highly ordered structures knows as chromatin that further packs the DNA into higher-order structures, limiting the accessibility of the underlying genetic information for the processes like transcription, replication, and repair. However, eukaryotic cells have evolved proteins called chromatin regulators that regulate the accessibility of the genetic information when needed. This dissertation aims to characterize the role of two such proteins, JARID2 and the polycomb repressive complex-2 (PRC2), during skeletal muscle proliferation and differentiation.JARID2 is an inactive yet evolutionarily conserved histone demethylase that is shown to be a sub-stoichiometric component of the PRC2 complex. The PRC2 complex represses gene expression through the trimethylation of lysine 27 of histone 3 (H3K27me) tails. H3K27 methylation leads to chromatin compaction. JARID2 helps in targeting of the PRC2 complex to its target loci. JARID2 is shown to be required for the normal development of mice, as loss of Jarid2 leads to lethality in utero. We, for the first time, show that JARID2 is required for the normal skeletal muscle differentiation. We show that the JARID2 regulates the expression of myogenic regulatory factor, Myod1, both through direct repression and activation through the modulation of canonical Wnt signaling pathway. JARID2, in association with the PRC2 complex, represses Wnt antagonist Sfrp1 to modulate the activity of the canonical Wnt signaling pathway. The translocation of Wnt effector protein, b-catenin, from the cytoplasm to the nucleus modulates the activity of the canonical Wnt signaling pathway during activation. We also show that b-catenin directly regulates the expression of Myod1 gene through its direct binding in the distal regulatory region.We further extend the role of JARID2 during skeletal muscle proliferation. We show that JARID2 also plays an essential role in restraining the skeletal muscle proliferation through its direct repression of positive cell cycle regulators cyclin D1 (Ccnd1) and cyclin E1 (Ccne1). Furthermore, we show that retinoblastoma protein 1 (Rb1), a negative regulator of cell proliferation that promotes cell cycle exit and differentiation, is also directly regulated by JARID2 in PRC2 dependent manner. Together, we show that JARID2 precisely controls cell proliferation and differentiation during skeletal muscle differentiation.Further, we show that the regulation of cell proliferation by JARID2 is PRC2 complex dependent. When the PRC2 complex was depleted or inhibited to a modest level, the cells have an increased cell proliferation ability compared to severe loss or inhibition of EZH2, the catalytic subunit of the PRC2 complex, that leads to the apoptosis of the cells. It is also marked by increased expression of known PRC2 targets genes. We show that the increased proliferation upon modest inhibition or depletion of EZH2 is through direct de-repression of positive cell cycle genes, Ccnd1, and Ccne1. It is the first work that shows a context-dependent role of the PRC2 complex during skeletal muscle proliferation and differentiation.My dissertation also makes an extraordinary discovery as to why myogenin is required for the proper function of MyoD during skeletal muscle differentiation, even though both proteins share a large set of overlapping target genes. We show that myogenin is required for the nucleosome disassembly and reassembly at the target genes through recruitment of the FACT complex, a histone chaperone. We also show that myogenin is required for the assembly of the basic transcription machinery and RNA polymerase II to the target muscle genes during differentiation. Surprisingly, we also show that myogenin reinforces its own expression through the activation of Myod1 expression during skeletal muscle differentiation. Myogenin is a known target of MyoD.Taken together, this dissertation provides a molecular mechanism for the crosstalk between a signaling pathway with chromatin regulatory proteins, JARID2, and the PRC2 complex in regulating skeletal muscle differentiation. It also extends the role of JARID2 and the PRC2 complex - known oncogenes, in precise, context-dependent control of cell proliferation and differentiation in skeletal muscle.

On the basis of the MMPI R Factor Scale, 16 subjects were classified as high repressed and 14 as low repressed. Subjects were compared on patterns of bilateral differences in skin conductance as a function of three cognitive tasks intended to produce specific manipulations in the relative activation of the two cerebral hemispheres. Tasks 1 and 2 examined the effects of Verbal (left hemisphere) and Spatial (right hemisphere) tasks on amplitudes of electrodermal responses. Task 3 examined the effects of the presentation of double-entendre and asexual stimulus words (designed to produce an emotional stimulus) on the high and low repressed groups. Results showed no tasks were accompanied by significant bilateral differences in electrodermal activity although high repressed subjects showed a consistent tendency toward greater amplitudes in both hands to the sexual portion of the word task. These findings are in direct contradiction to research suggesting that hemisphere activation is task dependent, but support the theoretical postulation of ''hemisphericity" (the individual preference for the use of one hemisphere or the other). Subsequent to the tasks, each subject completed a Sexual Activity Questionnaire to determine categories of orgasmic or non-orgasmic. These data proved to be highly related to the personality variables of high and low repression. All subjects self-reported to be orgasmic (n = 3) scored in the low repressed group. Of 16 subjects self-reported to be non-orgasmic, 11 (69%) scored in the high repressed group. These findings argue strongly that sexual conflicts in high repressors leads to psychosomatic sexual dysfunctions as postulated by traditional psychoanalytic theory. Present findings were discussed in terms of the relationships between personality, repression, and sexual conflict and how these .variables influence electrodermal functioning. Implications for future research and theoretical complexities in the interpretation of the present results suggesting support for the "hemisphericity" postulation were also discussed.

No período em que os militares exerceram o poder político no Brasil, assumindo a direção do país (1964-1985), foi criado um órgão de repressão misto, que reunia elementos das três Forças Armadas e das diversas forças policiais: o Destacamento de Operações de Informações (DOI) - a partir de uma experiência piloto, a Operação Bandeirante. Criado e desarticulado durante o regime militar, o DOI foi um dos produtos mais específicos e marcantes da violência institucional praticada na época. Problematiza-se a função dos interrogatórios preliminares produzidos pelo DOI de São Paulo dentro da engrenagem repressiva, procurando compreender como se articulavam os dois eixos de atividade do órgão: informação e segurança. Parte-se da constituição do DOI para se investigar, em seguida, como se processavam os interrogatórios preliminares, como se constituía seu ethos discursivo, quais os temas abordados e, finalmente, quais os métodos empregados para obter as informações e darlhes um tratamento, de modo a construir um depoimento \"coerente\", livre de contradições. / During the time that the military exerted the political power in Brazil, taking over the country\'s government (1964-1985), a mixed repression agency was created, assembling elements from the three Armed Forces and from several police forces: the Information Operations Detachment (DOI) - after a pilot experience, the Bandeirante Operation. Created and deactivated during the military rule, the DOI was one of the most specific and striking products of the institutional violence practiced during the period. One examines the function of preliminary interrogatories produced by the São Paulo DOI within the repressive gear, trying to understand how the two axis of activity of the agency, information and security, worked together. From the beginning of the DOI, one follows on to investigate how the preliminary interrogatories were processed, how their discursive ethos was constituted, the subjects of interest, and, finally, the methods employed to obtain information and to treat this information in order to build a \"coherent\" deposition, free of contradictions.

No período em que os militares exerceram o poder político no Brasil, assumindo a direção do país (1964-1985), foi criado um órgão de repressão misto, que reunia elementos das três Forças Armadas e das diversas forças policiais: o Destacamento de Operações de Informações (DOI) - a partir de uma experiência piloto, a Operação Bandeirante. Criado e desarticulado durante o regime militar, o DOI foi um dos produtos mais específicos e marcantes da violência institucional praticada na época. Problematiza-se a função dos interrogatórios preliminares produzidos pelo DOI de São Paulo dentro da engrenagem repressiva, procurando compreender como se articulavam os dois eixos de atividade do órgão: informação e segurança. Parte-se da constituição do DOI para se investigar, em seguida, como se processavam os interrogatórios preliminares, como se constituía seu ethos discursivo, quais os temas abordados e, finalmente, quais os métodos empregados para obter as informações e darlhes um tratamento, de modo a construir um depoimento \"coerente\", livre de contradições. / During the time that the military exerted the political power in Brazil, taking over the country\'s government (1964-1985), a mixed repression agency was created, assembling elements from the three Armed Forces and from several police forces: the Information Operations Detachment (DOI) - after a pilot experience, the Bandeirante Operation. Created and deactivated during the military rule, the DOI was one of the most specific and striking products of the institutional violence practiced during the period. One examines the function of preliminary interrogatories produced by the São Paulo DOI within the repressive gear, trying to understand how the two axis of activity of the agency, information and security, worked together. From the beginning of the DOI, one follows on to investigate how the preliminary interrogatories were processed, how their discursive ethos was constituted, the subjects of interest, and, finally, the methods employed to obtain information and to treat this information in order to build a \"coherent\" deposition, free of contradictions.

Development in multicellular organisms relies on establishing and maintaining gene expression profiles that give cells identity. Transcription factors establish gene expression profiles by integrating positional, temporal, and environmental cues to regulate genes essential for a cell's identity. These signals are often short lived while the differentiated state may persist for a long time. Epigenetic factors maintain these gene expression profiles by making heritable chemical alterations to target gene chromatin to stabilize transcriptional patterns. Here we explore the evolution and function of an epigenetic regulator, the Polycomb Repressive Complex 2 (PRC2), and a transcription factor, ASYMMETRIC LEAVES 1 (AS1) , in the lower eudicot Aquilegia. PRC2 is an important and deeply conserved epigenetic regulator, which is critical to many plant developmental processes, including the regulation of major developmental transitions and lateral organ development. We find that Aquilegia has a relatively simple complement of PRC2 genes that are expressed throughout development. Contrary to findings in other plant species, two members of the Aquilegia PRC2, AqSWN and AqCLF, are not imprinted in Aquilegia endosperm. Using virusinduced gene silencing (VIGS), we determined that Aquilegia PRC2 regulates aspects of lateral organ development, including branching within the leaf and lamina expansion, along with caroteinoid production in floral organs. PRC2 targeting of several floral MADS box genes may be conserved in Aquilegia, but other known targets such as the class I KNOX gene are not. AS1 is a transcription factor that plays a conserved role in controlling differentiation and polarity of lateral organs. In species with simple leaves, AS1 promotes cell determination by suppressing the expression of the class I KNOX genes in leaf primordia and regulates abaxial-adaxial polarity in the developing leaf. However, in species with compound leaves, KNOX genes and AS1 often work together to control leaflet initiation and arrangement. In Aquilegia, AqAS1 appears to primarily contribute to proper regulation of class I KNOX genes with a more minor role in leaflet polarity and positioning. Most interestingly, these combined datasets suggest that contrary to the widely held model, class I KNOX genes are neither necessary nor sufficient for leaf complexity in Aquilegia.

O presente trabalho analisa a ditadura civil-militar uruguaia (1973-1984) a partir da perspectiva da política de Terror de Estado, mecanismo implementado para aplicar as premissas da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e defender os interesses dos setores dominantes locais. Da mesma forma, possibilitou o disciplinamento da força de trabalho, exigência implícita nas novas demandas do capitalismo mundial, o que significou, na prática, a destruição do questionamento social e das manifestações por mudanças promovidas pelas distintas organizações populares nos anos 60 e 70. Este período, aliás, foi marcado, na América Latina, tanto pela efervescência produzida pela Revolução Cubana quanto pelo esforço dos EUA em disseminar as concepções contra-insurgentes e reforçar a pentagonização regional. Foi durante as administrações de Pacheco Areco e de Bordaberry (1968-1973), marcadas por acentuada guinada autoritária ainda em regime democrático, que começaram a ser aplicadas determinadas práticas repressivas de Terror de Estado, fato que se projetou, ampliou e consolidou posteriormente, com o regime de exceção. O objetivo norteador da pesquisa foi estudar o conceito de Terror de Estado e analisar sua aplicação na experiência concreta da ditadura uruguaia enquanto metodologia de atuação de um sistema repressivo complexo que abrangeu as múltiplas dimensões da sociedade. Assim, procurou-se destacar a diversidade e articulação das diferentes modalidades de atuação implementadas: a interdição do Poder Legislativo; a subordinação do Poder Judiciário à Justiça Militar; a proibição de partidos políticos, sindicatos e organizações sociais; a intervenção no sistema de ensino; a imposição de uma política global de censura; a iniciativa de refundação societária; a subjugação e destruição do “inimigo interno”; a aplicação de ações contra-insurgentes (a tortura, o "grande encarceramento", a política de "reféns" e os seqüestros seguidos de desaparecimentos forçados); etc. A participação ativa uruguaia na conexão repressiva internacional (Operação Condor) expressou o deslocamento da violência estatal da "guerra interna" contra os núcleos exilados nos países vizinhos. Em síntese, a dinâmica imposta caracterizou o Terror de Estado implementado no Uruguai como sendo abrangente, prolongado, indiscriminado, preventivo, retroativo e extraterritorial além de conter pretensões pedagógicas e ser gerador de seqüelas que se projetaram no período democrático posterior. / This paper intends to analyse the Uruguayan civil-military dictatorship (1973 – 1984) from the perspective of the “State Terror” policy, mechanism implemented to apply the premiss of the “National Security Doctrine” and to defend the local dominant groups interests. In the same way it made possible to discipline the workforce, an implicit requirement of the new world capitalism demands, and that meant the destruction of the social questioning and the demonstrations for changes promoted by different popular organizations in the 60´s and 70´s. This period, as a matter of fact, was marked in Latin America as much by the agitation produced by the Cuban Revolution, as the North American effort to spread the counterinsurgents conceptions and to reinforce the USA influence in the region. It was during the Pacheco Areco and Bordaberry governments (1968-1973), characterized by a strong turn towards authoritarism even in a democratic regime, that some repressive practices of “State Terror” started to be implemented. These practices were projected, enlarged and consolidated subsequently, during the authoritarian regime. The main aim of this paper was to study the concept of “State Terror” and analyses its application in the Uruguayan dictatorship experience, as an acting metodology of a complex repressive system which covered the multiple dimension of the society. Thus, it was intended to emphasize the diversity and the articulation of the different ways of acting implemented: the injunction in the Parliament; the subordination of the Judiciary to the Military Justice; the prohibition of political parties, trade unions and social organizations; the intervention in the educacional system; the imposition of a global censorship policy; the establishment of a new social order; the subjugation and destruction of the internal enemy; the application of counterinsurgents measures (the torture, the “grande encarceramento”, the “hostage” policy and the kidnappings followed by disappearance); etc. The effective Uruguayan participation in the international repressive connection (Condor Operation) expressed the movement from the “internal war” state violence to an action against the exiled activists in neighbour countries. Briefly, the strategies implemented characterized the Uruguayan Terror State as being extensive, prolonged, indiscriminate, preventive, retroactive, and beyond territorial limits, besides having pedagogical intentions and producing sequels in the subsequent democratic period.

Latin America was made stage for the quarreling between the capitalist and socialist systems starting circa the middle of the century XX, during the Cold War. Such ideological struggle had as one of their main outcomes the ascension of civil-military dictatorships in many Latin countries. Those regimes, fundamentally based on the North American National Security Doctrine (NSD), they have accomplished a brutal Terror of State to face their political opponents. The combat to the internal enemy extolled by NSD provoked the extinction of the political borders; in its place, they would just be delimited ideological borders. Following that logic it was the formation of a web of relationships among the repressive apparatuses of those dictatorships, whose apex has been established with the creation of the Condor Operation, in 1975. It is in that context that locates the gist of this dissertation: the existent repressive collaboration between Brazil and Uruguay during the period understood between 1964 and 1985. Although Uruguay became a dictatorship only starting from 1973, since ends of the decade of 1960 it already cooperated with the Brazilian regime watching, arresting and even torturing Brazilian political opponents exiled in his/her territory. The high number of cases of arrested Brazilians in Uruguay in that period attests that relationship and evidences that the repressive collaboration among those two countries did not depend exclusively on the Condor Operation even though having been facilitated by it later. The present study intends to demonstrate, starting from the analysis of cases of arrested Brazilians in Uruguay and of arrested Uruguayans in Brazil between 1964 and 1985, how the repressive collaboration among those two countries was, under the scope of NSD and of the practices of Terror of State. / A América Latina se fez palco para as batalhas travadas entre os sistemas capitalista e socialista a partir de meados do século XX, durante a Guerra Fria. Esse enfrentamento ideológico teve como um de seus principais desdobramentos a ascensão de ditaduras civil-militares em muitos países latinos. Esses regimes, alicerçados fundamentalmente sobre as bases da norte-americana Doutrina de Segurança Nacional (DSN), lançaram mão de um brutal Terror de Estado para enfrentar seus opositores políticos. O combate ao inimigo interno , preconizado pela DSN, provocou a extinção das fronteiras políticas; em seu lugar; delimitar-se-iam apenas fronteiras ideológicas. Dentro dessa lógica, esteve a formação de uma teia de relações entre os aparatos repressivos dessas ditaduras, cujo ápice se daria com a formação da Operação Condor, em 1975. É nesse contexto que se situa o cerne desta dissertação: a colaboração repressiva existente entre Brasil e Uruguai durante o período compreendido entre 1964 e 1985. Embora o Uruguai se tornasse uma ditadura somente a partir de 1973, desde fins da década de 1960 já cooperava com o regime brasileiro, vigiando, prendendo e até torturando opositores políticos brasileiros exilados em seu território. O elevado número de casos de brasileiros presos no Uruguai, nesse ínterim, atesta essa relação e evidencia que a colaboração repressiva entre esses dois países não dependeu exclusivamente da Operação Condor, mesmo tendo sido por ela facilitada mais tarde. O presente estudo pretende demonstrar, a partir da análise de casos de brasileiros presos no Uruguai e de uruguaios presos no Brasil entre 1964 e 1985, como se deu a colaboração repressiva entre esses dois países, à luz da DSN e das práticas de Terror de Estado.

O presente trabalho analisa a ditadura civil-militar uruguaia (1973-1984) a partir da perspectiva da política de Terror de Estado, mecanismo implementado para aplicar as premissas da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e defender os interesses dos setores dominantes locais. Da mesma forma, possibilitou o disciplinamento da força de trabalho, exigência implícita nas novas demandas do capitalismo mundial, o que significou, na prática, a destruição do questionamento social e das manifestações por mudanças promovidas pelas distintas organizações populares nos anos 60 e 70. Este período, aliás, foi marcado, na América Latina, tanto pela efervescência produzida pela Revolução Cubana quanto pelo esforço dos EUA em disseminar as concepções contra-insurgentes e reforçar a pentagonização regional. Foi durante as administrações de Pacheco Areco e de Bordaberry (1968-1973), marcadas por acentuada guinada autoritária ainda em regime democrático, que começaram a ser aplicadas determinadas práticas repressivas de Terror de Estado, fato que se projetou, ampliou e consolidou posteriormente, com o regime de exceção. O objetivo norteador da pesquisa foi estudar o conceito de Terror de Estado e analisar sua aplicação na experiência concreta da ditadura uruguaia enquanto metodologia de atuação de um sistema repressivo complexo que abrangeu as múltiplas dimensões da sociedade. Assim, procurou-se destacar a diversidade e articulação das diferentes modalidades de atuação implementadas: a interdição do Poder Legislativo; a subordinação do Poder Judiciário à Justiça Militar; a proibição de partidos políticos, sindicatos e organizações sociais; a intervenção no sistema de ensino; a imposição de uma política global de censura; a iniciativa de refundação societária; a subjugação e destruição do “inimigo interno”; a aplicação de ações contra-insurgentes (a tortura, o "grande encarceramento", a política de "reféns" e os seqüestros seguidos de desaparecimentos forçados); etc. A participação ativa uruguaia na conexão repressiva internacional (Operação Condor) expressou o deslocamento da violência estatal da "guerra interna" contra os núcleos exilados nos países vizinhos. Em síntese, a dinâmica imposta caracterizou o Terror de Estado implementado no Uruguai como sendo abrangente, prolongado, indiscriminado, preventivo, retroativo e extraterritorial além de conter pretensões pedagógicas e ser gerador de seqüelas que se projetaram no período democrático posterior. / This paper intends to analyse the Uruguayan civil-military dictatorship (1973 – 1984) from the perspective of the “State Terror” policy, mechanism implemented to apply the premiss of the “National Security Doctrine” and to defend the local dominant groups interests. In the same way it made possible to discipline the workforce, an implicit requirement of the new world capitalism demands, and that meant the destruction of the social questioning and the demonstrations for changes promoted by different popular organizations in the 60´s and 70´s. This period, as a matter of fact, was marked in Latin America as much by the agitation produced by the Cuban Revolution, as the North American effort to spread the counterinsurgents conceptions and to reinforce the USA influence in the region. It was during the Pacheco Areco and Bordaberry governments (1968-1973), characterized by a strong turn towards authoritarism even in a democratic regime, that some repressive practices of “State Terror” started to be implemented. These practices were projected, enlarged and consolidated subsequently, during the authoritarian regime. The main aim of this paper was to study the concept of “State Terror” and analyses its application in the Uruguayan dictatorship experience, as an acting metodology of a complex repressive system which covered the multiple dimension of the society. Thus, it was intended to emphasize the diversity and the articulation of the different ways of acting implemented: the injunction in the Parliament; the subordination of the Judiciary to the Military Justice; the prohibition of political parties, trade unions and social organizations; the intervention in the educacional system; the imposition of a global censorship policy; the establishment of a new social order; the subjugation and destruction of the internal enemy; the application of counterinsurgents measures (the torture, the “grande encarceramento”, the “hostage” policy and the kidnappings followed by disappearance); etc. The effective Uruguayan participation in the international repressive connection (Condor Operation) expressed the movement from the “internal war” state violence to an action against the exiled activists in neighbour countries. Briefly, the strategies implemented characterized the Uruguayan Terror State as being extensive, prolonged, indiscriminate, preventive, retroactive, and beyond territorial limits, besides having pedagogical intentions and producing sequels in the subsequent democratic period.

The diploma thesis consists of a theoretical and a practical part. The objective of the theoretical part is to introduce basic terms and ideas related to emotions (with focus on emotional regulation) and to map different views on the possibilities of emotional regulation. Further, the thesis mainly deals with the repressive coping style. Included in the conclusion of the theoretical part is a short chapter dealing with motivation, especially the implicit motives. This whole part of the thesis is based on specialised literature. The practical part contains an empirical research, before the beginning of which a small number of repressors had been found using a screening method. The research itself maps the subjective views of these repressors on the regulation of their own emotions and their implicit motivational tendencies. Conclusions and a summary of results are given at the end of the practical part.