O presente trabalho analisa a ditadura civil-militar uruguaia (1973-1984) a partir da perspectiva da política de Terror de Estado, mecanismo implementado para aplicar as premissas da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e defender os interesses dos setores dominantes locais. Da mesma forma, possibilitou o disciplinamento da força de trabalho, exigência implícita nas novas demandas do capitalismo mundial, o que significou, na prática, a destruição do questionamento social e das manifestações por mudanças promovidas pelas distintas organizações populares nos anos 60 e 70. Este período, aliás, foi marcado, na América Latina, tanto pela efervescência produzida pela Revolução Cubana quanto pelo esforço dos EUA em disseminar as concepções contra-insurgentes e reforçar a pentagonização regional. Foi durante as administrações de Pacheco Areco e de Bordaberry (1968-1973), marcadas por acentuada guinada autoritária ainda em regime democrático, que começaram a ser aplicadas determinadas práticas repressivas de Terror de Estado, fato que se projetou, ampliou e consolidou posteriormente, com o regime de exceção. O objetivo norteador da pesquisa foi estudar o conceito de Terror de Estado e analisar sua aplicação na experiência concreta da ditadura uruguaia enquanto metodologia de atuação de um sistema repressivo complexo que abrangeu as múltiplas dimensões da sociedade. Assim, procurou-se destacar a diversidade e articulação das diferentes modalidades de atuação implementadas: a interdição do Poder Legislativo; a subordinação do Poder Judiciário à Justiça Militar; a proibição de partidos políticos, sindicatos e organizações sociais; a intervenção no sistema de ensino; a imposição de uma política global de censura; a iniciativa de refundação societária; a subjugação e destruição do “inimigo interno”; a aplicação de ações contra-insurgentes (a tortura, o "grande encarceramento", a política de "reféns" e os seqüestros seguidos de desaparecimentos forçados); etc. A participação ativa uruguaia na conexão repressiva internacional (Operação Condor) expressou o deslocamento da violência estatal da "guerra interna" contra os núcleos exilados nos países vizinhos. Em síntese, a dinâmica imposta caracterizou o Terror de Estado implementado no Uruguai como sendo abrangente, prolongado, indiscriminado, preventivo, retroativo e extraterritorial além de conter pretensões pedagógicas e ser gerador de seqüelas que se projetaram no período democrático posterior. / This paper intends to analyse the Uruguayan civil-military dictatorship (1973 – 1984) from the perspective of the “State Terror” policy, mechanism implemented to apply the premiss of the “National Security Doctrine” and to defend the local dominant groups interests. In the same way it made possible to discipline the workforce, an implicit requirement of the new world capitalism demands, and that meant the destruction of the social questioning and the demonstrations for changes promoted by different popular organizations in the 60´s and 70´s. This period, as a matter of fact, was marked in Latin America as much by the agitation produced by the Cuban Revolution, as the North American effort to spread the counterinsurgents conceptions and to reinforce the USA influence in the region. It was during the Pacheco Areco and Bordaberry governments (1968-1973), characterized by a strong turn towards authoritarism even in a democratic regime, that some repressive practices of “State Terror” started to be implemented. These practices were projected, enlarged and consolidated subsequently, during the authoritarian regime. The main aim of this paper was to study the concept of “State Terror” and analyses its application in the Uruguayan dictatorship experience, as an acting metodology of a complex repressive system which covered the multiple dimension of the society. Thus, it was intended to emphasize the diversity and the articulation of the different ways of acting implemented: the injunction in the Parliament; the subordination of the Judiciary to the Military Justice; the prohibition of political parties, trade unions and social organizations; the intervention in the educacional system; the imposition of a global censorship policy; the establishment of a new social order; the subjugation and destruction of the internal enemy; the application of counterinsurgents measures (the torture, the “grande encarceramento”, the “hostage” policy and the kidnappings followed by disappearance); etc. The effective Uruguayan participation in the international repressive connection (Condor Operation) expressed the movement from the “internal war” state violence to an action against the exiled activists in neighbour countries. Briefly, the strategies implemented characterized the Uruguayan Terror State as being extensive, prolonged, indiscriminate, preventive, retroactive, and beyond territorial limits, besides having pedagogical intentions and producing sequels in the subsequent democratic period.

Polycomb repressive complex 2 (PRC2) catalyses the methylation of ‘Lys-27’ of histone H3, leading to transcriptional repression of target genes through its catalytic subunit Enhancer of zeste homolog 1/2 (EZH1/2). PRC2 functions as a critical regulator of stem cells in mouse embryonic and adult tissues. However, the role of PRC2 in human skin remains largely unknown. This study investigated the role of PRC2 in human epidermal homeostasis and hair growth. The expression of EZH2 was elevated in differentiating suprabasal layers of the human epidermis. Consistently, EZH1/2 expression and enzymatic activity was upregulated in differentiating primary human keratinocytes (NHEKs) in vitro. Inhibition of EZH2 and Embryonic ectoderm development (EED) in NHEKs stimulated the expression of differentiation-associated genes, therefore leading to their premature differentiation; while inhibition of EZH1/2 reduced cell proliferation and promoted apoptosis. Silencing of EZH2 in NHEKs induced complex changes in gene expression programmes, including the upregulation of terminal differentiation genes, such as Filaggrin. EZH2 expression was downregulated in aged keratinocytes accompanied with upregulation of senescence-associated genes, p16INK4A and p19INK4D, suggesting EZH2 involvement in epidermal aging. In human anagen hair follicle (HF), EZH2 was detected in stem and progenitor cells; and hair matrix keratinocytes. Silencing EZH2 in HFs accelerated anagen-catagen transition and retarded hair growth accompanied by decreased proliferation and increased apoptosis. Silencing EZH2 in outer root sheath keratinocytes resulted in upregulation of p14ARF and K15, suggesting EZH2 involvement in regulating proliferation and stem cell activity. Thus, this study demonstrates that PRC2-mediated repression is crucial for epidermal homeostasis and hair growth. Modulating the activities of PRC2 in skin might offer a new therapeutic approach for disorders of epidermal differentiation and hair growth.

No description available.

O processo de reconstituição factual e de reflexão crítica acerca da ditadura civilmilitar de 1964 e de seu legado permanece incompleto e permeado por zonas de silêncio e interdições. Decorridos pouco mais de trinta anos da Lei de Anistia, muitos acontecimentos permanecem desconhecidos ao tempo em que se observa a existência de importantes lacunas nas articulações entre o passado e o presente e, mais especificamente, entre o legado da ditadura e a memória daqueles que a ela se opuseram ativamente. Visando contribuir para o entendimento desse passado, e de seu legado, esta pesquisa procurou caracterizar o protagonismo dos presos políticos na defesa de transformações sociais e na luta contra a ditadura e, ao mesmo tempo, oferecer um panorama reflexivo sobre a construção de suas memórias a respeito dessas lutas e da experiência-limite da tortura e da prisão. Para alcançar esses objetivos, a pesquisa pautou-se por um amplo registro das memórias desses protagonistas por meio da metodologia da História Oral de Vida um conjunto de 90 entrevistas com ex-presos políticos. O que permitiu a coleta de informações até aqui inéditas no que diz respeito à organização dos presos e à atuação dos órgãos repressivos. A execução e desenvolvimento dessa metodologia deram origem a reflexões teóricas que visaram interpretar o material coletado, contextualizando-o crítica e historicamente. Partiu-se, ainda, da premissa de que tais testemunhos, juntamente com os de advogados, familiares e militantes permitiriam aprofundar as pesquisas desenvolvidas sobre as lutas revolucionárias e de resistência; a clandestinidade; as formas institucionais da repressão política e as disputas políticas estabelecidas dentro e fora dos cárceres. Os depoimentos dos ex-presos permitiram, ainda, a análise de suas estratégias de sobrevivência e memória. Tais estratégias foram aqui discutidas à luz dos esforços empreendidos para a compreensão da maneira como eles próprios reorganizaram identidades, constituíram grupos de ação política e definiram maneiras de se relacionar com o legado das experiências-limite. Reconstruir as tramas dessa história, com o suporte do material coletado, apresenta novas possibilidades de interpretação desse período recente da história brasileira cuja atualidade permanece. / The process of reconstituting the facts and of producing a critical analysis of the civilian-military dictatorship of 1964 and its legacy is incomplete and permeated by interdits and silence. After a little more than thirty years of the Amnesty Law, many events remain unknown, while important lacunae abide between the past and the present and, more specifically, between the legacy of the dictatorship and the memory of those who actively opposed it. Aiming to contribute to the understanding of this past and of its legacy, this study sought to describe the protagonism of political prisoners in the defense of social transformation and in the struggle against the dictatorship. At the same time, it aimed to offer a reflective view on the ways former prisoners have constructed their memories of these struggles and of the limit-experience of torture and prison. To achieve these objectives, the study made use of an extensive record of the memories of these protagonists. Using the methodology of Oral Life History, a set of 90 interviews with ex-political prisoners was conducted, allowing the collection of as yet unpublished information relating to the prisoners organization and the actions of the repressive agencies. The execution and development of this methodology gave rise to theoretical reflections which sought to interpret the material collected by contextualizing it critically and historically. The underlying premise was that these testimonies, together with those of lawyers, family members, and militants of the opposition, would allow us to deepen research on revolutionary struggles and resistance, on life in clandestinity, on the institutional forms of political repression, and on the political debates carried on inside and outside the prisons. The testimonies of the former prisoners also made possible an analysis of their strategies for survival and memory. These strategies were discussed here in an effort to understand the way that the ex-prisoners themselves reorganized identities, constructed political action groups, and defined ways of relating to the legacy of limit-experiences. The reconstruction of the frames of this history, based upon the material collected introduces new oportunities for interpretation of this recent period in Brazilian history, which has echoes in the present day.

Les bouleversements de plus en plus rapides et violents qui affectent la loi pénale ne sont que le symptôme d'un conflit normatif systémique qui travaille notre droit depuis la codification impériale. Dissimulé depuis l'origine du droit pénal moderne par le mythe de l'équilibre répressif, il voir l'ordre pénal républicain, formellement consacré par le Code pénal de 1810, confronté à une force constante d'érosion contrariant sa mise en œuvre effective et conséquente. Avançant sous l'apparence du bon sens répressif, cette opposition trahit en réalité une hostilité radicale à l'idée de Sûreté, assise sur la résurgence de certains traits saillants d'un absolutisme pénal singulièrement mâtiné des innovations de l'utilitarisme pénal. Sous l'effet d'une double instrumentation du procès pénal qui, sous l'influence du néolibéralisme, se mue progressivement en un outil de gestion coercitive de la déviance et de satisfaction symbolique de la victime, l'époque contemporaine voit le conflit normatif entrer dans une phase critique. Avec le passage du bon sens répressif au réalisme répressif, l'ordre pénal républicain est bientôt menacé d'implosion. De la nécessité de punir à l'émergence d'une impossible principe de précaution pénale, ce sont l'ensemble de ses principes directeurs qui se trouvent remis en cause en leurs fondements. / The faster and faster and violent upheavals which affect the penal law are only the symptom of a systematic normative conflict which works our law since the imperial codification Hidden since the origin of the modern criminal law by the myth of the repressive balance, it to see the penal order republican, formally dedicated by the Penal code of 1810, confronted with a constant strength of erosion opposing its effective and consequent implementation. Moving forward under the appearance of the repressive common sense, this opposition betrays in reality a radical hostility at the idea of safety, based on the resurgence of certain striking lines of a penal absolutism strangely crossbred of the innovations of the penal utilitarianism. Under the influence of a double instrumentation of the penal trial which, under the influence of the neoliberalism, moved gradually one coercive management tool of the abnormality and the symbolic satisfaction of the victim, the contemporary time sees the normative conflict entering a critical phase. With the passage of the repressive common sense in the repressive realism, the republican penal order is soon threatened with implosion. Of the necessity of punishing in the emergence of one impossible principle of penal precaution, it is the set of its guiding principles which are questioned in their foundations.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:25:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JoseELL.pdf: 415290 bytes, checksum: cf961e92e2473531e65d0daf28db5e50 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-08-22 / The main goal of this work is analyze the way which the Natal City Prefecture was constructed as a place of subversion by those we call defenders of the order, in the period right after the outbreak of military coup in 1964. To reach it, the main resource of search was the Relat?rio Subvers?o no Rio Grande do Norte , document produced from the investigations realized in Natal City Prefecture as a result of the Commission of Inquiry s work, established by the governor Alu?zio Alves to determine the subversion in Rio Grande do Norte s society. Based on the anti-comunist speech. That document introduces other image of the Prefecture, which activities developed by de second Djalma Maranh?o administration (1961-1964), specially those developed in the educational area, as the campaign De P? no Ch?o Tamb?m se Aprende a Ler , were considered subversive , communist , dangerous , threatening , names that served as backing to embed Natal City Prefecture in the general view about subversion existing in Rio Grande do Norte, according to the repression speech in this initial period of military regime. Key-words: 1964 Military Coup Natal City Prefecture / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a maneira pela qual a Prefeitura Municipal de Natal foi constru?da como espa?o da subvers?o, por aqueles que denominamos de defensores da ordem, no per?odo imediatamente posterior ? deflagra??o do golpe militar de 1964. Para tal utilizamos como principal fonte o Relat?rio Subvers?o no Rio Grande do Norte , documento produzido a partir das investiga??es realizadas na Prefeitura Municipal de Natal como resultado do trabalho da comiss?o de inqu?rito institu?da pelo governador Alu?zio Alves para apurar a subvers?o na sociedade norte-rio-grandense. Embasado no discurso anti-comunista, o referido documento apresenta outra imagem da Prefeitura, na qual as atividades desenvolvidas na segunda administra??o do prefeito Djalma Maranh?o (1961-1964), sobretudo aquelas desenvolvidas na ?rea da educa??o, como a Campanha De P? no Ch?o Tamb?m se Aprende a Ler , foram designadas como subversivas , comunistas , perigosas , atentat?rias ? ordem , designa??es que serviram de respaldo colocar a Prefeitura Municipal no quadro geral da subvers?o existente no Rio Grande do Norte, de acordo com o discurso da repress?o, nesse per?odo inicial de implanta??o do regime militar

Submitted by Daniel Aranha (df_aranha@yahoo.com.br) on 2018-10-01T21:30:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel_Aranha FGV-Dissertacao-Diversidade vFinal (1out2018) - Biblioteca.pdf: 971302 bytes, checksum: 1df325a5c82aa33b85b26ef2071a95b4 (MD5) / Rejected by Mayara Costa de Sousa (mayara.sousa@fgv.br), reason: Daniel, boa tarde. Alguns itens devem ser ajustados de acordo com as normas: 1. GETULIO não tem acento 2. Seu nome deve estar completo, sem abreviação 3. As palavras-chave do resumo/abstract devem ser separadas por ponto e virgula att, Mayara on 2018-10-05T19:32:07Z (GMT) / Submitted by Daniel Aranha (df_aranha@yahoo.com.br) on 2018-10-09T21:38:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel_Aranha FGV-Dissertacao-Diversidade vFinal (1out2018) - Biblioteca.pdf: 971244 bytes, checksum: 094ef31f01f246465c5a4aa74b3e0f1e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Mayara Costa de Sousa (mayara.sousa@fgv.br) on 2018-10-09T21:42:45Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel_Aranha FGV-Dissertacao-Diversidade vFinal (1out2018) - Biblioteca.pdf: 971244 bytes, checksum: 094ef31f01f246465c5a4aa74b3e0f1e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzane Guimarães (suzane.guimaraes@fgv.br) on 2018-10-10T13:46:59Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel_Aranha FGV-Dissertacao-Diversidade vFinal (1out2018) - Biblioteca.pdf: 971244 bytes, checksum: 094ef31f01f246465c5a4aa74b3e0f1e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-10T13:46:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel_Aranha FGV-Dissertacao-Diversidade vFinal (1out2018) - Biblioteca.pdf: 971244 bytes, checksum: 094ef31f01f246465c5a4aa74b3e0f1e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-12 / Diversidade nas organizações é um assunto amplamente estudado desde o final da década de 80 nos EUA, bem como a partir dos anos 2000 no Brasil. A maior parte destes estudos concentram-se na gestão da Diversidade, ou seja, uma perspectiva instrumental para as organizações maximizarem seus resultados ou desenvolverem vantagens competitivas. Por outro lado, há estudos Críticos que buscam entender o real impacto ou viabilidade das iniciativas de Diversidade nas organizações. Neste sentido, entendemos válido questionar o que representam o discurso e práticas organizacionais sobre Diversidade, com relação aos seus possíveis impactos sobre o indivíduo e, por consequência, sobre a sociedade. Neste trabalho, sob uma lente Crítica, em que utilizamos os conceitos de unidimensionalidade e dessublimação repressiva, de Marcuse; buscamos entender a relação entre aquilo que as organizações de forma explícita ou implícita buscam e determinam como metas em suas iniciativas relacionadas à Diversidade, com aquilo que os indivíduos e minorias tem a oferecer ou esperam de tais iniciativas. Analisamos a teoria que fundamenta os conceitos adotados pelas organizações em suas iniciativas sobre Diversidade, bem como pesquisamos o discurso e práticas seguidas por algumas organizações. Observamos que, (i) se por um lado é inegável que as iniciativas organizacionais representam um papel positivo, na medida em que pode reduzir injustiças sociais e desigualdade; (ii) do outro lado da mesma moeda, sob uma perspectiva Crítica, estas iniciativas tem um caráter retórico e pouco ou nada fazem para promover um comportamento que privilegie a diversidade de ideias, por exemplo. Pelo contrário, as práticas ou iniciativas organizacionais vinculadas à Diversidade acabam por representar a própria negação do diverso, estreitam a possibilidade de recusa e reforçam a unidimensionalidade. / Diversity in organizations is a widely studied topic since the late 80's in the US and since the 2000s in Brazil. Most of these studies focus on managing Diversity, that is, on an instrumental perspective for organizations to maximize their results or to gain competitive advantage. Conversely, there are argumentative studies that seek to understand the actual impact or viability of Diversity initiatives in organizations. In this sense, we consider that it is valid to question what organizational discourse and practices related to Diversity represent with respect to their impact on the individual and, consequently, on society. In the present paper, through a Critical lens and using the concepts of one-dimensionality and repressive desublimation by Marcuse, we seek to understand the relationship between what organizations explicitly or implicitly pursue and determine as their goals in the Diversityrelated initiatives, and what individuals and minorities have to offer to or expect from such initiatives. We analyzed the theory that supports the concepts adopted by organizations in their initiatives on Diversity, as well as investigated the discourse and practices applied by some organizations. We found that: (i) while on the one hand it is undeniable that these organizational initiatives play a positive role, insofar as they might reduce social injustice and inequality, (ii) on the other hand, from a Critical perspective, these initiatives have a rhetorical character and do little or nothing to promote behavior that favors the diversity of ideas, for example. On the contrary, Diversity-related organizational practices or initiatives eventually represent the denial of diversity itself, narrowing the possibility of refusal and reinforcing one-dimensionality.

O processo de reconstituição factual e de reflexão crítica acerca da ditadura civilmilitar de 1964 e de seu legado permanece incompleto e permeado por zonas de silêncio e interdições. Decorridos pouco mais de trinta anos da Lei de Anistia, muitos acontecimentos permanecem desconhecidos ao tempo em que se observa a existência de importantes lacunas nas articulações entre o passado e o presente e, mais especificamente, entre o legado da ditadura e a memória daqueles que a ela se opuseram ativamente. Visando contribuir para o entendimento desse passado, e de seu legado, esta pesquisa procurou caracterizar o protagonismo dos presos políticos na defesa de transformações sociais e na luta contra a ditadura e, ao mesmo tempo, oferecer um panorama reflexivo sobre a construção de suas memórias a respeito dessas lutas e da experiência-limite da tortura e da prisão. Para alcançar esses objetivos, a pesquisa pautou-se por um amplo registro das memórias desses protagonistas por meio da metodologia da História Oral de Vida um conjunto de 90 entrevistas com ex-presos políticos. O que permitiu a coleta de informações até aqui inéditas no que diz respeito à organização dos presos e à atuação dos órgãos repressivos. A execução e desenvolvimento dessa metodologia deram origem a reflexões teóricas que visaram interpretar o material coletado, contextualizando-o crítica e historicamente. Partiu-se, ainda, da premissa de que tais testemunhos, juntamente com os de advogados, familiares e militantes permitiriam aprofundar as pesquisas desenvolvidas sobre as lutas revolucionárias e de resistência; a clandestinidade; as formas institucionais da repressão política e as disputas políticas estabelecidas dentro e fora dos cárceres. Os depoimentos dos ex-presos permitiram, ainda, a análise de suas estratégias de sobrevivência e memória. Tais estratégias foram aqui discutidas à luz dos esforços empreendidos para a compreensão da maneira como eles próprios reorganizaram identidades, constituíram grupos de ação política e definiram maneiras de se relacionar com o legado das experiências-limite. Reconstruir as tramas dessa história, com o suporte do material coletado, apresenta novas possibilidades de interpretação desse período recente da história brasileira cuja atualidade permanece. / The process of reconstituting the facts and of producing a critical analysis of the civilian-military dictatorship of 1964 and its legacy is incomplete and permeated by interdits and silence. After a little more than thirty years of the Amnesty Law, many events remain unknown, while important lacunae abide between the past and the present and, more specifically, between the legacy of the dictatorship and the memory of those who actively opposed it. Aiming to contribute to the understanding of this past and of its legacy, this study sought to describe the protagonism of political prisoners in the defense of social transformation and in the struggle against the dictatorship. At the same time, it aimed to offer a reflective view on the ways former prisoners have constructed their memories of these struggles and of the limit-experience of torture and prison. To achieve these objectives, the study made use of an extensive record of the memories of these protagonists. Using the methodology of Oral Life History, a set of 90 interviews with ex-political prisoners was conducted, allowing the collection of as yet unpublished information relating to the prisoners organization and the actions of the repressive agencies. The execution and development of this methodology gave rise to theoretical reflections which sought to interpret the material collected by contextualizing it critically and historically. The underlying premise was that these testimonies, together with those of lawyers, family members, and militants of the opposition, would allow us to deepen research on revolutionary struggles and resistance, on life in clandestinity, on the institutional forms of political repression, and on the political debates carried on inside and outside the prisons. The testimonies of the former prisoners also made possible an analysis of their strategies for survival and memory. These strategies were discussed here in an effort to understand the way that the ex-prisoners themselves reorganized identities, constructed political action groups, and defined ways of relating to the legacy of limit-experiences. The reconstruction of the frames of this history, based upon the material collected introduces new oportunities for interpretation of this recent period in Brazilian history, which has echoes in the present day.

No description available.

This empirical research focuses on the subject of Hijab in Sweden. It demonstrates that Afghan (Muslim) women residing in Sweden do not consider the Hijab as an element of their culture/identity. Additionally, the empirical data gathered through interviews with twenty Afghans residing in Sweden reveals that Hijab is socially imposed on women, particularly by male relatives. Afghan women reveal verbal and physical violations exercised against women by male relatives in order to force them to veil. Therefore, if multiculturalism favors the Hijab as a human right and/or an identity/cultural element of these women, it neglects the violations implied by Hijab on women. By adopting a Marxist feminist lens, the research explains that although veiling and controlling women’s body existed for centuries before the birth of capitalism, controlling women’s body by forcing them to veil serves the capitalist project as well. The veil is one of the diverse ways of controlling women (‘s body) and is one of the ways to help the interests of capitalism since women are the source of reproduction of labor. Rejecting the position of both left-wing and right-wing parties (and specifically racists) in the political sphere in Sweden, it is suggested that the former (no matter intentionally or unintentionally) justifies and serves the preservation of the repressive Hijab and does not protect Muslim women and their human rights. And (far) right-wing actors, by pointing to the repressive Hijab, merely aim to cut the budget that is essential for protecting the fundamental human rights of immigrants and target the existence of immigrants per se to enable (further) development of capitalist (economic) policies. This research argues that discourse cannot make a substantial change in behaviors, and not only men should be considered as the responsible actor to diminish the violations. A third alternative/approach is instead suggested for the change in the material condition of such communities so as to diminish the violations. By reminding the responsibility of the Swedish government, it is suggested that the government should take responsibility for material provision regarding awareness, education, employment, and development of oppressed veiled women. This is how the government can protect human rights and actualize women’s capacity in order to combat the violations.