Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University. Vita (leaf 349). / Facsimile, microfilm-xerography. Ann Arbor : Xerox University Microfilms, 1975. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 331-348).

Thesis (Ph. M.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1943. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 160-161).

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Progressivism, which had invaded the conservative-controlled Republican party, provoked a split that affected local politics as well as the party's national leadership. The rebellion engulfing the party demanded that each Republican clearly define his position.... The available choices, ranging from reaction to insurgency, required that the professional Republican politician be painfully specific. The dilemma faced by these politicians, particularly those of the rank and file who were sympathetic with progressive ideals, is the major concern of this study.

acase@tulane.edu / This dissertation is about the relationship between exile and national identity in Spain. Its focus is on how Spanish nationality was conceived during the Second Republic, how that national ideal manifested during the Civil War, and how Republicans continued to express their vision of the Spanish nation from exile as resistance to the Franco dictatorship. In particular, I discuss the effect of two different locations of exile on these Republican discourses of national identity: France, where the majority of exiles first landed after the Civil War; and Mexico, viewed by many as an ideal location to transplant the projects and ideologies of the Second Republic. My research addresses the different sociopolitical realities of France and Mexico between 1939 and 1945, the historical and contemporary relationships of those nations with Spain, and the ways the exiles’ ideas of Spanish nationality related to France’s and Mexico’s own discourses of national traditions. In Chapter 1, “Republicanism, Civil War, and the (Re)Formation of the Spanish Nation-State,” I examine the advent of the Second Republic as a unique opportunity to rebuild the fragmented nation-state into a cohesive whole, and I show how this nation-building project was heavily informed by the idea of “culture.” Chapter 2, “France 1939-1942: Rehearsing Spanish Identity from the Concentration Camps,” is concerned with the discourses of Spanish national identity developed by Republican exiles in France, and how these related to the French policy of interning Spanish exiles in concentration camps and, later, France’s war against Nazi Germany. Chapter 3, “The Mexico of Cárdenas: Life after (Re)Emigration,” focuses on exile in Mexico between 1939 and 1945. Here I discuss how the exiles viewed Mexican society as being closely aligned with their own values, ideologies, and heritages, and how these perceived affinities allowed exiles to develop a sense of continuity with the lost homeland. With its Trans-Pyrenean and Transatlantic focus, my work is an original contribution to the rich field of Spanish Exile Literature Studies, and it is my hope that it will contribute to Nationalism and Exile Studies more generally. / 1 / Kyle Lawton

This thesis examines the origin and consequences of the French Republican calendar in relation to eighteenth-century temporality. It assesses the extent of the calendar's use, examines the cultural and political meanings that it assumed, and argues that the temporal order of society can be equally as important as its spatial organisation. It suggests that calendars are not purely neutral measures of time, but are cultural, social and political texts that can express the central beliefs of a society. As the history of the Republican calendar shows, such beliefs could be highly contestable. Unsurprisingly, the demands of a ten-day week, new nomenclature, and the calendar's association with the Terror did not lend the new style of time reckoning much popularity, except amongst confirmed Jacobins. Yet, successive regimes, in particular the post-Fructidor Directory, did attempt to ensure conformity to the new calendar. In many parts of France the calendar became a site of cultural, political and, indeed, physical conflict as local communities and officials fought over observance of the new Republican day of rest, the décadi. The speed of political events and the dramatic changes in French society, coupled with intellectual trends from before the Revolution also led to new questions about the nature of time and history defined more broadly. Although the timing of society was becoming more controlled and more precise during this period, older and often more flexible time practices still remained. Opposition to the calendar and the new temporalities was not just a consequence of political or religious sentiment, but represented communal and individual attachment to older habits. Finally, it is argued that the Revolution, the calendar, and pre-existing cultural changes helped to create a modern understanding of time, and had important consequences for the imagining of the nation.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University, 1926. / Vita. Published also without thesis note. Bibliography: p. 283-288.