<p>This research paper aims to show how racism, power, social representations and identity are created and reproduced through the media. The research paper will analyse newspaper articles presented about <em>Cronulla</em><em> riot </em>in The Sydney Morning Herald, The Daily Telegraph and The Sunday Telegraph using Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis, CDA, as a theory and method. The research paper aims to demonstrate how inequality in the Australian society is reproduced by the media through the use stereotypes and certain social representations and how knowledge and awareness about this is relevant to social work of today.</p>

This research paper aims to show how racism, power, social representations and identity are created and reproduced through the media. The research paper will analyse newspaper articles presented about Cronulla riot in The Sydney Morning Herald, The Daily Telegraph and The Sunday Telegraph using Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis, CDA, as a theory and method. The research paper aims to demonstrate how inequality in the Australian society is reproduced by the media through the use stereotypes and certain social representations and how knowledge and awareness about this is relevant to social work of today.

This thesis seeks to grasp how King Philip's War influenced cultural evolution in Massachusetts in order to determine whether it produced a culture of violence and conflict amongst the Anglo-Puritan inhabitants of the Massachusetts Bay colony following the conflict. Specifically, this work uses primary sources produced by European inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay to examine the period between 1676 and 1713. Chapter II examines the impact of King Philip's War on the evolution of colonists' attitudes towards Indians by tracing the development of scalp bounties in Massachusetts. The use of scalp bounties highlights a trend towards commoditizing Indian lives in New England, and King Philip?s War proves critical in directing that trend. Chapter III explores the results of King Philip's War on the relationship between Massachusetts and the metropole in London. This chapter focuses on the riot of April, 1689, in Boston, that removed the London-appointed leader of the Dominion of New England, a political entity created, in part, in response to the weak showing of colonial government during King Philip's War. This chapter highlights the diverging views of empire and authority between the Massachusetts colonists and the royal officials in London. Chapter IV analyzes conflict and change within colonial Massachusetts society in the wake of King Philip's War. Here, I find that the war had the smallest impact on the overall course of subsequent cultural development in the colony. This does not mean that the war had no impact at all, but rather that such impact did not stand out against other patterns of cultural influence such as religion and economics.

This thesis examines the Riot Grrrl bands of the 1990s, as well as Amanda Palmer today, as examples of feminist punk artists. Rather than focusing on Riot Grrrl as a unique musical episode, this thesis argues that all punk is activist in nature, and that Riot Grrrl was building on this activist tradition while challenging the misogyny implicit in punk culture. Likewise, Amanda Palmer uses similar punk strategies (such as a DIY approach to music production, and direct interaction with fans) to create political music.

Misty McElroy had no idea when she crafted her senior undergraduate capstone project at Portland State University in 2001 that she was starting a worldwide phenomenon—the Rock ‘n’ Roll Campfor Girls. What started as a week-long summer camp for girls ages 8 to 17 to teach them how to play rock music has since blossomed into an organization with over 40 branches worldwide, serving 3000 girls every year and affecting the lives of thousands more women and girls in the surrounding communities. The Girls Rock Camp Alliance operates as the organizing body for the dozens of Rock Camps across the globe. Together, these organizations work to build girls’ self-esteem through music creation and performance and further, to create feminist cultural change. Rock Camp, like so many other nonprofits, exists on a political continuum, with radical direct-action groups on the far left and mainstream, foundation-funded organizations on the right. Misty’s original vision for the Rock ‘n’ Roll Camp for Girls was rooted in radical feminist politics that followed in the footsteps of Riot Grrrl and made an explicit connection between girls playing music and political movement. While feminist politics continue to form the foundation of the work that every Rock Camp does, from its pedagogy and curriculum in its programming to its organizational structure, and every organizer will agree that Rock Camp is a fundamentally feminist organization, it has made a series of choices over the past decade that now places it closer to the center of the continuum.

This study is a discourse analysis of media representations of young people’s participation in the summer riots that spread across the UK in August 2011. Drawing on articles published in three UK newspapers The Guardian, The Daily Mail and The Sun this paper critically assesses the ways in which the media identified the behaviour of young people as symptomatic of a general moral decline in British society. Along with the media portrayal of children and young people during these events, the study also highlights the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child as a further way of questioning the reporting practices of mainstream media. Articles 2, 12 and 13 will have specific focus in the study, in order to evaluate the media’s recurrent misrepresentation of young people’s participation in decision making on matters concerning their own wellbeing.

This thesis explains how the Hard Hat Riot provides a link between two of the most significant developments in postwar American history: the decline of the white working-class and the rise of the Reagan Democrat. The Hard Hat Riot was the culmination of two decades of local demographic and economic transformations as well as five years of political neglect that marginalized New York City’s white working-class. The influence of the riot, however, extended beyond the city’s five boroughs. The Hard Hat Riot prompted Richard Nixon’s administration to develop a blue-collar strategy for the 1972 election. Ronald Reagan’s presidential campaigns in 1980 and 1984 emulated Nixon’s plan to successfully court the white working-class voters who would be later called Reagan Democrats.

Misty McElroy had no idea when she crafted her senior undergraduate capstone project at Portland State University in 2001 that she was starting a worldwide phenomenon—the Rock ‘n’ Roll Campfor Girls. What started as a week-long summer camp for girls ages 8 to 17 to teach them how to play rock music has since blossomed into an organization with over 40 branches worldwide, serving 3000 girls every year and affecting the lives of thousands more women and girls in the surrounding communities. The Girls Rock Camp Alliance operates as the organizing body for the dozens of Rock Camps across the globe. Together, these organizations work to build girls’ self-esteem through music creation and performance and further, to create feminist cultural change. Rock Camp, like so many other nonprofits, exists on a political continuum, with radical direct-action groups on the far left and mainstream, foundation-funded organizations on the right. Misty’s original vision for the Rock ‘n’ Roll Camp for Girls was rooted in radical feminist politics that followed in the footsteps of Riot Grrrl and made an explicit connection between girls playing music and political movement. While feminist politics continue to form the foundation of the work that every Rock Camp does, from its pedagogy and curriculum in its programming to its organizational structure, and every organizer will agree that Rock Camp is a fundamentally feminist organization, it has made a series of choices over the past decade that now places it closer to the center of the continuum.

Thesis submitted in 25% completion of the degree of Master of Management in the field of Security at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, March 2018 / The provision of security to citizens had in the past been the sole responsibility of the state, this in many countries led to the militarization of the police services. The concept of community policing has since been adopted by many countries around the world as an alternative method of policing to shift policing from the traditional reactional method that focused on law enforcement, aggressive crime control with limited public interaction to an inclusive policing policy that involves communities in policing their areas. The traditional policing method isolated the police from the communities and the relationship between these parties was worsened. Previous researches on community policing found that successful implementation of the Community Policing Policy relies on a well-resourced police service and the opposite renders the concept dormant. The research focused on the South African context to explore challenges of effectiveness of Community Policing Forums (CPFs) as a vehicle in the implementation of the Community Policing Policy. CPFs are constitutional bodies established in terms of the South African Police Service Act, No 68 of 1995 to among others establish and maintain a partnership between the police and the communities, improve the delivery of police-service to the community and to ensure the police are accountable for their actions and conduct. An exploratory case study design was used to explore effectiveness of CPFs in two police stations, namely Nelspruit and Pienaar both found in the Mpumalanga Province. The research found that indeed community policing is resource intensive, and the South African Police Service is still struggling with basic resources that include functional vehicles to support CPFs to carry out their constitutional mandate. / XL2019

The aim of this thesis is to address and problematize how an undemocratic event like the Capitol riot on January 6th, 2021 could occur in the United States, the nation that for so long has been perceived to be the world’s leading democracy. The thesis takes a point of departure in French philosopher Jaques Derrida’s theory of autoimmunity, which is a theory aiming to explain how democracies are at constant risk of developing autoimmune reactions within their institutions, causing them to undermine their own values and principles. Three theoretical areas were derived from the theory: Hospitality, Ipseity, and Democracy to come, and through an interpretive content analysis of the nine public committee hearings taking place after the riot, these areas could detect symptoms of democratic autoimmunity in the event. The findings of the research thus shed light on the autoimmune tendencies that exist within the very core of democracy, and that was brought to the forefront on January 6th, 2021. Further, the results point to the fact that because of these autoimmune tendencies, the democratic institutions in the United States are still - after this event - exposed to simultaneous threats and opportunities that can come to change the course of democracy in the nation.