Athletes have become more than sports professionals; they are million dollar investments for brand images. Businesses worldwide have transitioned old promotional schemes to athlete endorsements and have experienced positive reactions to the public change. Athletes connected with consumers on a heroic level and translated the brand’s message to purchasers through the theory of transference of affect (White, Goddard, & Wilbur, 2009). Subsequently, there had been an equal rise in the caution businesses exercised as several athletes found occupancy in negative press. Those involved in scandals posed reputational risks for businesses and could reduce positive transference to consumers. The purpose of this study was to test the impact of negative media portrayal (reputation) about athlete endorsers on male consumer’s purchase intentions and attitude favorability towards high or low involvement products. Online surveys were distributed to a Midwestern University, 196 surveys were analyzed. Findings showed purchase intention was affected by reputation for high involvement products; reputation was not an accurate predictor of consumer attitude toward high or low involvement products. Athletes involved in scandals remained effective as endorsers for low involvement products whereas, athletes with positive reputations succeeded when promoting high involvement products.

Submitted by Leonardo Cavalcante (leo.ocavalcante@gmail.com) on 2018-04-05T13:25:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Arquivototal.pdf: 3749278 bytes, checksum: 47866b35fbf26da1042292a4f5c0ca0f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-05T13:25:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arquivototal.pdf: 3749278 bytes, checksum: 47866b35fbf26da1042292a4f5c0ca0f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Several kinds of scandals always happen. But, with all the transformations that shaped modern societies, the nature, size, and consequences of these scandals were modified. In this scenario, the media political scandal (MPS) comes up, it impacts people's life and the construction of the political debate. In Brazil, a series of cases gained visibility with consequences that last until now. The 'Mensalão' case is a legitimate example of political scandal that has become a media event. For months, several media outlets highlighted the subject, causing the population to get involved. Considering this context, the present study is aiming to examine the construction of the 'Mensalão' case on the covers of the Veja and Carta Capital magazines paying attention to the expressiveness of the colour elements, text and photo-illustration. The body of the research encompasses editions from may, to December 2005, apex of the brazilian political crisis, created because of this scandal. Seeking to achieve the objectives, we use the most appropriate methodology, content analysis, and relevant literature sources. Based on data from the research and in the presented reflections, it can be said that the construction (or approach) of the 'Mensalão' case on the covers of Veja and Carta Capital followed the script of the theoretical proposed models. / Acontecimentos escandalosos de vários tipos existem há bastante tempo. Mas, com as transformações que moldaram as sociedades modernas, a natureza, o tamanho e as consequências dos escândalos se modificaram sob alguns aspectos. Neste cenário, surge o fenômeno do escândalo político midiático (EPM), que influencia consideravelmente o cotidiano das pessoas e a construção do debate público. Na realidade brasileira há uma série de casos que ganharam visibilidade e produziram desdobramentos, muitos durando até hoje. O caso Mensalão é um legítimo exemplar de escândalo político que se tornou evento midiático. Durante meses, diversos veículos de comunicação destacaram o assunto e fizeram com que a população se envolvesse. Diante deste contexto, procura-se desenvolver o presente estudo, cujo objetivo é analisar a construção do caso Mensalão nas capas das revistas Veja e Carta Capital, atentando para a expressividade dos elementos cor, texto e foto-ilustração. O corpus da pesquisa engloba as edições referentes ao período de maio a dezembro de 2005, ápice da crise política gerada pelo escândalo. Buscando alcançar os objetivos, utiliza-se a metodologia mais adequada, a análise de conteúdo, além de fontes bibliográficas pertinentes. Baseado nos dados da pesquisa e nas reflexões apresentadas, pode-se afirmar que a construção (ou abordagem) do caso Mensalão nas capas da Veja e Carta Capital seguiu o roteiro dos modelos teóricos propostos.

Fin 2001, début 2002, les États-Unis ont été frappés par un nombre élevé de scandales financiers. Plusieurs affaires ont été révélées par les médias, singulièrement le cas Enron. La reformulation de la profession d'audit en matière d'indépendance des auditeurs et des comités d'audit après le scandale Enron a cherché à garantir la crédibilité des états financiers. L'objectif de ce travail est de tester l'effet de la nouvelle formulation de la profession d'audit, notamment en matière d'indépendance des auditeurs et des comités d'audit, précisément sur la question de la crédibilité des états financiers. Trois objectifs opérationnels ont été traités dans le cadre de cette étude. Premièrement, nous avons analysé les effets de l’affaire Enron sur la réaction des marchés financiers, le choix des commissaires aux comptes et l’affermissement du conservatisme des auditeurs, dans le contexte français. Deuxièmement, nous avons étudié l’impact de l’institution du Haut Conseil du Commissariat aux Comptes sur l’indépendance des auditeurs. Finalement, nous avons étudié l’influence du Comité d’audit sur la crédibilité des états financiers après le rapport Bouton de 2002. Les résultats empiriques s’attachent à montrer que la présence d’un co-commissaire aux comptes Non-Big a minimisé l’effet négatif de la réaction du marché financier français lors de l’annonce du scandale Enron. Par contre, le scandale Enron n’a pas influencé significativement la perception des investisseurs institutionnels étrangers envers les services des grands cabinets d’audit. Ces derniers n’ont pas justifié la production d’une bonne qualité d’audit par rapport aux Non-Big. Pour rétablir la confiance sur les marchés financiers, le législateur français est intervenu via la création d’un organisme de supervision publique de la profession comptable intitulé le H3C. Les résultats empiriques montrent que la création du H3C a renforcé l’indépendance des auditeurs. Par contre, l’annonce du lancement des activités disciplinaires de ce nouvel organisme après 2005 n’a pas d’effet significatif sur l’indépendance des auditeurs. Par contre l’apparition du rapport Bouton en 2002, et la nouvelle dimension accordée au contrôle interne, montre que ce dernier dépendant des caractéristiques des comités d’audit notamment l’expertise et l’indépendance de leurs membres. / At the end of 2001, the scandal series was announced in the US context. Several scandals, especially the Eron failure, were revealed in the first stage by the media. The main purpose of this research is to study the impact of the new reform, in audit after Enron scandal, on auditor independence, audit comity and financial statement credibility. Three operational objectives have been treated in this study. First, we have analyzed the effects of Enron scandal on financial market reaction, auditor choice and auditor conservatism in the French context. Second, we have investigated the impact of the new reform on the auditor independence. Finally, we have examined the effect of audit committee on financial statement credibility after the adoption of the Bouton Report in 2002.The empirical results have shown that the presence of the Non-Big4 members in the legal audit process have minimized the negative effect of the reaction of the SBF 250. However, the perception of the foreign institutional investors has not changed significantly for the Big4 audit services. This auditor group (Big4) does not justify the production of the audit quality compared to other auditors in France. To restore confidence in the financial market, the French legislative authority has created the H3C. The empirical results have revealed that the establishment of the H3C has ameliorated the auditor independence. Hence, the announcement of the launch of H3C disciplinary activity after 2005 has not had a significant effect on auditor independence. In contrast, the appearance of the Bouton Report in 2002 and the reform related to the internal control depend on the audit committee characteristics (expertise and independence audit committee members).

Our focus in this study was to examine how Piteå-Tidningen produced Kaj Linna, the man who was accused and later convicted for murder. In addition to the frames we could distinguish about the perpetrator we also examined the small community, Kalamark, were the murder occured. In the next step of our analysis we examined how he was produced when he was declared innocent. We did this by applying a framing-analysis on 35 articles from Piteå-tidningen that covered the events that occured 2004 and 2017.   The frames we could identify from Piteå-Tidningen that described Kaj Linna 2004 was as an odd man, a man without no stable income and a man with money as his motivitaton. The community was framed as the victims, who stood together in sorrow and in despair. Kaj Linna got excluded and the community of Kalamark got included in the frames we identified.   The turning point in 2017, when Kaj Linna was declared innocent and was set to become a free man the frames changed. He was framed as a family man, a man with feelings that had people caring about him. Like a man who was one of us. He was included in 2017. The frames about the community in 2017 was hard to find as the focus of reporting about the case exclusively was about Kaj Linna.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur skandaler där statliga myndigheter är inblandade skapas i relation mellan tryckta medier och myndigheters egna uttalanden. Detta görs utifrån ett diskursteoretiskt perspektiv genom att undersöka vilka diskurser som konstrueras och fungerar konstituerande i skandalernas utveckling. Utöver den kritiska diskursteorin tar vi även hjälp av  teorier om intryckshantering och medialisering för att analysera empirin genom en kritisk diskursanalys. Metodvalet har gjorts på grund av dess anknytning till det kritiska diskursteoretiska perspektivet som ser diskurser och sociala praktiker som ömsesidigt konstituerande och konstituerade. Den empiri som analyserats är hämtad från de svenska dags- och kvällstidningarna Dagens Industri, Dagens Nyheter och Aftonbladet samt Transportstyrelsens och Pensionsmyndighetens egna uttalanden från respektive myndighets webbsida. Det huvudsakliga resultatet av studien var att myndigheter tenderar att svara efter den rapportering som sker i tryckta medier och anpassa sin kommunikation därefter. De tryckta medierna har därigenom makten att utmana och sätta diskursen kring det normbrott som skandalen innebär. En diskurs som myndigheterna därmed tvingas bemöta och utmana för att undvika att den egna verksamheten uppfattas som avvikande i förhållande till denna diskurs. / The purpose of this paper is to investigate how scandals involving government agencies are created in relation to print media and authorities’ own statements. This is done from a discourse theoretical perspective by investigating the discourses that are constituted and functioning in the development of scandals. In addition to the critical discourse theory, we also use theories of impression management and medialization to analyze the material through a critical discourse analysis. The choice of critical discourse analysis as the methodology has been made because of its connection to the critical discourse theory, which sees discourses and social practices as mutually constitutive and constitutional. The analyzed material has been taken from the Swedish daily and evening newspapers Dagens Industri, Dagens nyheter and Aftonbladet, and Swedish Transport Agency’s (Transportstyrelsen) and Pension Authority’s (Pensionsmyndigheten) own statements from the respective authorities website. The main result of the study was that authorities tend to respond to the reporting in print media and then adjust their communication accordingly. The printed media thus have the power to challenge and discourage the norm violation that the scandal implies. A discourse that the authorities are therefore forced to respond to and challenge to avoid their own activities being perceived as deviating in relation to this discourse.

Dans cette recherche, nous avons étudié le processus de constitution symbolique du « Mensalão », l’un des plus importants événements de l’histoire politique récente du Brésil, qui a eu lieu en 2005 et montre l’implication de membres du Parti des Travailleurs et du gouvernement Lula dans des dénonciations liées à la corrption, avec une grande répercussion, dans le pays, auprès du public et des médias. Nous avons plus particulièrement cherché à identifier la façon selon laquelle le « Mensalão » est individualisé, prenant ainsi une signification et une identité en tant qu’événement singulier. Nous sommes partis de l’approche de l’événemnt proposée par Louis Quéré (1997; 2005). Nous en avons retiré la grille analytique afin d’étudier le processus d’individualisation du « Mensalão », qui a été appliquée sur un corpus de 1269 textes journalistiques. Nous avons analysé : 1) la description, qui révèle la dispute entre les acteurs par la définition et le cadrage de l’événement ; 2) le récit, qui montre les principaux protagonistes et les différents passés et futurs convoqués pour l’événement ; 3) la dimension pragmatique, avec les actions constituantes de cet événement; 4) la commercialisation du soutien politique et la pratique de fonds secrets électoraux comme principaux problèmes publics exposés, la façon selon laquelle ils sont traités et comment les cadrages conditionnent le traitement du problème; et 5) la normalisation de l’événement à travers la mise en cause de certains des impliqués dans les dénonciations. La radiographie de la mis en récit et de la normalisation de l’événement montre comment les problèmes publics révélés ont été dilués dans la personnalisation du problème de la corruption. / In this research we analyze the process of symbolic constitution of “Mensalão” (a scandal of corruption of members of the Congress by the main governmental party), one of the most important occurrences of the recent political history of Brazil, which happened in 2005. We try to identify, more specifically, the way it is individualized by getting a meaning and an identity as a singular event. We get support in the approach of the event proposed by Louis Quéré (1997; 2005) and take from it the analytical tools to study the “Mensalão”: the description, the narration, the pragmatic dimension, the public issues exposed, and the normalization of the event. We apply this analytical framework over a cluster of 1,269 journalistic texts, which were selected from the covering made by the Folha de São Paulo newspaper between June and December of 2005. Through a qualitative analysis of the written material, we identify and analyze the process of individualization of the “Mensalão”: 1) the description, which reveals, among other aspects, the dispute between the actors for the framing of the happening; 2) the narration, which indicates the main protagonists and shows the different pasts and futures called by this happening; 3) the pragmatic dimension, with all the actions that constitute this type of occurrence; 4) the trade of political support and the practice of unofficial financial support for elections as the main public issues exposed, the way they are treated by the actors and the way the mobilized framings guides the treatment of the issue; and 5) the normalization of the happening through “punishment” of some of those who are accused. The enlightening of the construction of the narrative and of the normalization of the occurrence show how the public issues were diluted in the personification of the problem of corruption.

The guiding questions of this thesis aim to target particularities of ‘call out’ or ‘cancel’ culture - an internet phenomenon primarily dominant through social media - and fill in gaps within the literature pertaining to such online culture. Although adhering to the digital sphere, its repercussions beyond the screen are observed through the ‘dramageddon’ of 2019, the cancellation events of YouTuber influencer James Charles. This thesis seeks out to apply participatory culture and symbolic interaction theories as well as accompanying concepts through a qualitative approach. The data collected consists of a blend of media content analysis of Twitter posts known as ‘receipts’ and interviews with three YouTubers as well as a Social Media expert. The results depict cancel culture to be associated with expected themes of justice, resentment, drama or entertainment value and group mentality as well as the offline ramifications. Unexpected themes also surface during data collection and will be further explored. Concluding remarks of this essay concern a summary of discussed implications of cancel culture from the view of netizens as well as suggestions for future prevention of such events.

rågorna kring företagens påverkan på klimatet, samhället och ekonomin blir allt viktigare. Även frågan gällande vad det leder till för konsekvenser när företag använder sig av okontroversiella metoder för att hänga med i utvecklingen och för att möta intressenternas intresse. Företag använder sig av greenwashing vilket innebär att de vilseleder intressenterna genom att påstå sig göra en sak men agerar på ett annat sätt. Detta för att upprätthålla intressenternas tillfredsställelse för stunden, vilket dock kan komma att skada företaget vid ett avslöjande. Denna studie syftar till att analysera hållbarhetsredovisningar och hur de påverkas när ett företag varit inblandat i en greenwashingskandal. Studien är en kvalitativ innehållsanalys där vi har undersökt och utgått ifrån företagens hållbarhetsredovisningar från året innan skandalen, året under, samt året efter som underlag. Studien fokuserar på totalt tre bolag, Telia, Volkswagen och Stora Enso. Vidare presenteras djupgående analyser som utförs med hjälp av en kodningsmanual som tar stöd i bland annat intressent- och legitimitetsteorin för vardera bolag, för att sedan mynna ut i en jämförande analys där paralleller dras mellan företagen. Studien mynnar ut i slutsatser kopplade till frågeställningarna om hur rapporterna förändras efter en greenwashingskandal. Delvis gällande vilken del intressenterna har i återuppbyggnaden av legitimiteten efter en skandal, samt hur ett företag arbetar för att återställa sin legitimitet efter en skandal. Resultatets innehåll består av information från totalt nio hållbarhetsrapporter som sedan ska besvara frågeställningarna. Analysen konstaterar att företagen anstränger sig för att bibehålla sin legitimitet, vidare framkommer det även att de vill nå ut till sina intressenter och poängterar att de är viktiga för företagen. Flera förändringar presenteras till följd av skandalen, och företagen försöker vara transparenta för att skapa legitimitet. Det framkommer även att greenwashing förekommit i alla berörda skandaler. I slutsatsen fastställs att en viss grupp av intressenter har en speciell roll i uppbyggandet av legitimiteten efter en skandal, vilket är de anställda. Vidare menar studien att antagandet om att hållbarhetsrapporterna genomgår stora förändringar efter en uppmärksammad greenwashingskandal stämmer. / Corporations' impact on the climate, the society and the economy are issues growing bigger day by day. When the corporations use unconventional methods that might not always be according to the books to keep up with the development but also with their stakeholders, what happens then? The corporations use greenwashing to keep their stakeholders satisfied but later get hurt by it. This article aims to analyze sustainability reports and how they are impacted by a scandal that are caused by it using greenwashing. It is a qualitative study focusing on Telia, Volkswagen and Stora Enso's sustainability reports the year prior to, the year during and the year after the scandal was discovered. In depth analyzes are presented comparing the different years but also the companies to one another. The analyzes were made with a perspective out of the stakeholder theory and the legitimacy theory ans a coding manual. There is also a focus on the scandals and how the corporations represent them in their reports. This study finds the answer to the questions how reports change after a scandal, how stakeholders are a part of the reconstruction of the legitimacy after a scandal and also what corporations does to gain back their legitimacy. The result contains paraphrases on the nine reports where Telia's reports focuses on the economic part of sustainability, Volkswagen’s focus on the environmental part and Stora Enso's focuses on the social part. In the analyzes it is stated that the corporations do a lot to keep their legitimacy, the corporations also want to point out to the stakeholders that they are very important to them. There is a lot of changes presented as a result of the scandal, the corporations want to be transparent to gain legitimacy. It appears that greenwashing plays a part in all the companies' reports. Exampels on all of this is included in the article. The study concludes stakeholders are part of the reconstruction after a scandal, especially the employees. The assumption that sustainability reports go through big changes is also shown to be correct.

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