Thesis (Ph. D.)--Princeton. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 213-223).

Thesis (doctoral)--Justus Liebig-Universität Giessen. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (p. 115-117).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Michigan, 1918. / "From the American Journal of Archaeology, vol. XXIII, no. 3."

Univ., Habil.-Schr.--Frankfurt a.M., 2000.

The present study revises the chronology for the twelfth-century "artifex" Nicholaus, demonstrating that his career began just after c.1122 in Piacenza and ended in Verona c. 1164, not c. 1150 as often proposed. The first sculpted entranceway with the Nicholaus imprimatur was executed at the Sagra di San Michele. It is documented that Nicholaus was put in charge of supervising the construction and decoration of the new cathedral in Ferrara in 1135, including the western entranceway with his self-laudatory signature inscription. His activity here ended around 1150, at which time the interior of the cathedral was functional. In the early 1140s, members of the Nicholaus atelier and possibly the "artifex" himself crossed the Alps to execute certain sculptures at the imperial burial church at Königslutter. The signed Verona Cathedral entranceway was executed in the 1150s. Work at San Zeno began after 1164: the elegiac tone of two signature inscriptions here seems to indicate that Nicholaus died around this time. To determine the date of the Nicholaus Verona projects, given the lack of firm documentary evidence for their dating, because their subject matter could be associated with a known historical incident or situation and those dates fit with my stylistic evaluation as to the sculpture's date, I used the dates for these occurrences as the "termini post quem" for the project. Luigi Simeoni had proposed that the formation of the commune of Verona in 1135 is celebrated by the scene on the lunette at San Zeno depicting the patron saint of Verona signing blessing in the midst of the troops. This supported a date of 1138 for this work. However, my research into the relationship between Verona and various emperors led me to conclude that the image on the lunette at San Zeno actually memorializes the formation in 1164 of the Veronese League opposing Emperor Frederick Barbarossa. A second subject here, The Hunt of Theodoric, seems to have been chosen to insult Barbarossa, previously well received in Verona. The San Zeno frontispiece with Nicholaus's sculptures, the famous bronze doors, and the Wheel of Fortune window was assembled c.1200.

This thesis examines how making extends artists' thoughts beyond their conceptions. Central to this is consideration of how an artist's statements and their work relate: this thesis argues that the relationship is neither of identity nor contradiction, but of a productive tension from which emerges a richer understanding of thought. A similar approach underscores this doctorate's relationship of studio and written components, both of which desire self-sufficiency. The studio work consists of discrete yet mutually informing series, all engaged with the specificity of a moment of exposure, whether here and now or recording a past moment. The notion of 'documentation' underscores these works, which include large chemical photographs, high-definition video, cyanotypes and extensive exploration of casting to reveal latent images. The written component is a thorough study of the various instances of Medardo Rosso's sculpture Ecce Puer, offering art-historical and theoretical grounding of hands-on making as a way pressing cultural issues inhere in a work at a more fundamental level than understood by its contemporaries or maker. The first chapter locates Rosso in his historical milieu. Chapter 2 assesses the elements constituting Ecce Puer; it argues that no definitions of a 'work' adequately encompass these, and coins the term 'complex work' to designate artworks indivisibly singular and plural, concrete and abstract. Chapter 3 offers phenomenological interpretation of Rosso's confused writings, illuminating them through Maurice Merleau-Ponty's late philosophy but understanding Rosso's thought as inadequate to the complexity of his work. Chapter 4 examines Rosso's photography, specifically his photography of photographs, connecting what this achieves to his phenomenology. Chapter 5 introduces a key notion of 'friendship' to understand how the connections between instances of Ecce Puer became 'meaningful'. Having offered a fundamentally new interpretation of Rosso's project, chapter 6 extends Michael Fried's history of French painting to relocate Rosso within early twentieth-century art.

This dissertation concerns the sculptural representation of divinity in Hellenistic Central Italy, ca. 200 BCE-100 BCE. In so doing, it tackles the question of the role images played in Roman religion as well as the question of the relationship between Aegean Greek and Central Italian sculpture. Recent publications related to Roman divine images have respectively: a) suggested that the form of images was incidental to their functioning as sacred sculpture; b) proposed that images were not a necessary part of Roman religion; and c) considered the divine images themselves primarily significant as ideological statements on the part of their patrons. Furthermore, most scholarly treatments of sculpted images in Hellenistic Central Italy have to-date siloed architectural from freestanding sculpture, impoverishing the study of both categories of material. Most of these sculptures play little to no role in anglophone histories of ancient art. This project analyses the divine images of Hellenistic Central Italy through the lenses of scale, materiality, and body language. These analytical frames are used to show how the representation of the gods in freestanding and architectural sculpture was meaningfully differentiated from the appearance of sculpted images of mortal people. These differences, as well as the similarities, are highlighted in order to suggest patterns of response, and thereby to propose ways in which the category of ‘the divine’ was constructed in image form. The three lenses of scale, materiality, and body language likewise allow the significant differences, as well as the frequent points of similarity, between ‘Roman’ representations of the gods and the divine images of the Greek world to be elucidated. Chapter 1 presents the evidence from certain key sanctuaries, offering new reconstructions of fragmentary evidence and showing the interrelation between divine images of different kinds in these spaces. Chapter 2 compares divine images with sculpted representations of people through the lens of scale, showing that sculpted images of the gods were crafted at an intentionally ‘inhuman’ scale in Hellenistic Central Italy. Chapter 3 tackles the materiality of divine images, charting the new materials used to embody the gods in the second century BCE and, at the same time, stressing the ways that the use of materials differentiated divine from mortal images. A major theme, across media, is the production of composite, multi-material sculptures of the gods. Chapter 4 assesses the body language of divine images, showing the modifications made to existing sculptural types to make the bodies of the gods more dynamic and interactive to their viewers. The three key elements of divine body language exhibited by the sculpted representations of the gods are grandeur, ease, and engagement with a viewer. The results of this study demonstrate that images of the gods in Italy were constructed so as to differ significantly from the images of mortals. Through these means, images are shown to have embodied a ‘visual theology’, allowing conclusions to be drawn by their viewers about the nature and workings of the divine. In this way, images played an essential role in Roman religion, despite their non-appearance in ritual prescriptions. Further, Roman divine images are revealed to have been significantly different from the images of the gods in the Greek world. This project re-orients the study of the Central Italian images of the gods, focusing on the viewers of sculpture as well as the patrons. The conclusions reached reveal the central role of images in Roman religion in the Hellenistic Period and the value of visual evidence for anthropological approaches to the Roman world. These results regarding divine images provide as yet under-exploited evidence for the relationship between Greek and Roman sculpture.

Orientador: Luiz César Marques Filho / Acompanha volume das figuras / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T01:20:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gomes_Waldemar_D.pdf: 14480882 bytes, checksum: c4ca4dbc7e0d446d6cc4b910a9597a3e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O sepulcro do Papa Júlio II foi finalizado por Michelangelo em 1545 em San Pietro in Vincoli, em Roma. O projeto final contou com 7 esculturas: 4 do artista e 3 de seus discípulos. Alguns estudiosos têm considerado que ele reuniu esculturas feitas em diversos momentos para se ver livre de uma encomenda que durou 40 anos. As recentes abordagens do significado das esculturas da Vida Ativa e da Vida Contemplativa apontam para a existência de um programa iconográfico definido. Antonio Forcellino afirma que Michelangelo se inspirou no conteúdo do livro Il Beneficio di Cristo para idealizar essas esculturas. Enrico Guidoni diz que o mestre se baseou nas iniciais de Vittoria Colonna e Faustina Mancini para concebê-las. Para Marina Gandini as duas alegorias femininas representam as formas de vida de Moisés, enquanto Maria Forcellino entende que Michelangelo teria tomado Maria Madalena e Santa Caterina como modelo ao criá-las. Quando elaborou essas esculturas, Michelangelo mantinha estreitos laços de amizade com alguns integrantes do movimento reformador italiano e comungava dos mesmos preceitos doutrinários das correntes religiosas dos valdesiani e dos "spirituali" do Circolo di Viterbo. Ao introduzir aquelas duas alegorias no monumento, o artista teria perenizado naqueles mármores a relação entre fé e obras - simbolização daquelas duas formas de vida no mundo cristão -, no tocante à justificação, tal qual essa questão era vista por aqueles reformadores, ou seja, de que apenas a fé detinha o mérito de justificar o pecador diante de Deus, sendo essa fé operadora das boas obras. Ao concebê-las o mestre não teria se baseado em qualquer escrito específico e sim em suas próprias reflexões e conversas mantidas com os interlocutores daquelas correntes sobre a questão da justificação / Abstract: The sepulcher of the pope Jules II was finished by Michelangelo in 1545 at the Church of Saint Peter in Chains, in Rome. The final project counted on 7 sculptures: 4 of them by Michelangelo?s own hands and 3 sculptures made by his assistents. Some Scholars have considered that him assembled sculptures made in different moments of his life to be free of an order that lasted 40 years. The recent approaches on the meaning of the sculptures of Activ Life and Contemplative Life point to the existence of an iconographic programme previously defined by the master. Antonio Forcellino says Michelangelo was inspired by the content of the little book Il Beneficio di Cristo to idealize these sculptures. Enrico Guidoni tells that the master had based on the first letters of the Vittoria Colonna and Faustina Mancini?s names to creat them. To Marina Gandini these sculptures are the two forms of the lives of Moses and for Maria Forcellino Michelangelo took Mary Magdalene and Saint Catherine as models to make them. When he worked on these sculptures Michelangelo had narrow ties of friendship with some persons of the italian reformed movement and communicated some doctrinaire ideals of the religious corrents of the valdesiani and the "spirituali" of the Circle of Viterbo. By introducing that two alegories in that sepulchral monument the artist has immortalized on that marbles the relationship between faith and good works - symbolizations of that two forms of life in the Cristian world -, concerning the justification question, like this question was seen by those reformers, that is to say, that only the faith had the merit to justify the sinner before God, being the good works operated by the faith. In creating them the master did not base in any specific written, but in both his own reflections and the talks he had with the interlocuters of those religious groups on the justification question / Doutorado / Historia da Arte / Doutor em História