The thesis explores the ways in which Serbian ethnic media in Canada represent their own group and “Others”, specifically Croats, Slovenians and Catholics, Bosniaks, Albanians and Muslims, Montenegrins and the West. The research investigates the convergence of these representations with Canadian multiculturalism. The thesis epistemologically feeds from Jean Jacques Rousseau’s 18th century theories of recognition and patriotism, Stuart Hall’s (1997) theory of representation and identity and Edward Said’s (1978) theory of Orientalism, and is further guided by the theoretical frameworks of Charles Taylor’s (1994) politics of recognition, Benedict Anderson’s (1992) long-distance nationalism and Maria Todorova’s (1994) Balkanism. Qualitative content analysis through purposive and sequential sampling of Serbian ethnic broadcasting is conducted to gauge the programs’ representations of the “Self” and “Others”. Ethnic media provide a method to promote a minority group’s heritage, but also to facilitate communication between various cultural, ethnic, religious and racial groups. In the age of an increased critique of multiculturalism, the role of ethnic media rises in importance. The findings of the thesis show that Serbian ethnic media employ Canadian multiculturalism to promote Serbian heritage, but also to stereotype other groups. Applying the theoretical juxtaposition of multiculturalism, nationalism and “Othering”, this research argues that through negative identification of “Others”, Serbian ethnic media deviate from Canadian multiculturalism that calls for a positive recognition of all Canadian groups.

This bachelor thesis is the result of a minor field study which took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The purpose of this bachelor thesis is to contribute to the understanding and improvement of Security Sector Reform (SSR), which could be explained as a process of reformation applied in post-conflict scenarios aimed at the military, police and/or judicial sector which might be an element of insecurity, particularly the police, and very particularly in post conflict scenarios where conflict resolution resulted in a divided police force, by using the BiH as a case study. We have used the theoretical framework/process of SSR and more specifically the part of SSR which touches upon police reform. However, SSR entails reformation of the security sector including military-, police- and judicial sectors, as mentioned our focus will be the police sector. This serving as a foundation for the thesis, we asked the following questions; Taking the point of departure in the Dayton Accords and its complex power sharing structure, which are the underlying factors/reasons why the Security Sector Reformation of the police force has been so problematic and why is there such inability to reach an agreement on this issue, especially in terms of structure? In terms of methodology, this is a qualitative study based on semi-structured interviews in combination with previous research. Concluding remarks, progress has been made, however, the reformation of the police is to a large extent dependent on the political will not to do so, not much indicate a change related to this. The status of the BiH police force continues to be de-centralized in terms of structure due to the Dayton Accords which has still serves a fertile ground for the continuation of inefficiency, especially in terms of cooperation, information exchange, administrative issues, war-criminals within the police etc related to the different police forces.

The thesis explores the ways in which Serbian ethnic media in Canada represent their own group and “Others”, specifically Croats, Slovenians and Catholics, Bosniaks, Albanians and Muslims, Montenegrins and the West. The research investigates the convergence of these representations with Canadian multiculturalism. The thesis epistemologically feeds from Jean Jacques Rousseau’s 18th century theories of recognition and patriotism, Stuart Hall’s (1997) theory of representation and identity and Edward Said’s (1978) theory of Orientalism, and is further guided by the theoretical frameworks of Charles Taylor’s (1994) politics of recognition, Benedict Anderson’s (1992) long-distance nationalism and Maria Todorova’s (1994) Balkanism. Qualitative content analysis through purposive and sequential sampling of Serbian ethnic broadcasting is conducted to gauge the programs’ representations of the “Self” and “Others”. Ethnic media provide a method to promote a minority group’s heritage, but also to facilitate communication between various cultural, ethnic, religious and racial groups. In the age of an increased critique of multiculturalism, the role of ethnic media rises in importance. The findings of the thesis show that Serbian ethnic media employ Canadian multiculturalism to promote Serbian heritage, but also to stereotype other groups. Applying the theoretical juxtaposition of multiculturalism, nationalism and “Othering”, this research argues that through negative identification of “Others”, Serbian ethnic media deviate from Canadian multiculturalism that calls for a positive recognition of all Canadian groups.

I investigate the phonology of prosodic clitics--independent syntactic words not parsed as independent prosodic words--in Bosnian, Serbian, and Croatian. I ask, first, how clitics are organized into prosodic structures, and second, how this is determined by the grammar. Following Zec (1997, 2005), I look at several clitic categories, including negation, prepositions, complementizers, conjunctions, and second-position clitics. Based on a reanalysis of word accent (Browne and McCawley 1965, Inkelas and Zec 1988, Zec 1999), I argue that in some cases where a preposition, complementizer, or conjunction fails to realize accent determined by a following word, it is not a proclitic-- that is, prosodified with the following word--but rather a free clitic parsed directly by a phonological phrase. Conversely, the second-position clitics are not always enclitic--that is, prosodified with a preceding word--but are sometimes free. Their second-position word order results not from enclisis, but from the avoidance of free clitics at phrase edges, where they would interfere with the alignment of phonological phrases to prosodic words. Regarding the determination of clisis by the grammar, I argue for an interface constraint approach (Selkirk 1995, Truckenbrodt 1995), whereby prosodic structures are built according to general constraints on their well-formedness, and on their interface to syntactic structures. I contrast this with the subcategorization approach , which sees clisis as specified for each clitic (Klavans 1982, Radanovic-Kocic 1988, Zec and Inkelas 1990). The comparison across clitic categories provides key support for the interface constraint approach, showing that their prosody depends on their syntactic configurations and phonological shapes, rather than on arbitrary subcategorizations. Prosodic differences across categories are a derivative effect of their configuration in the clause, and of the division of the clause into phonological phrases. The relevance of phonological phrases consists in how their edges discourage some kinds of clisis, blocking, for example, proclisis of complementizers and conjunctions to their complements. Free clisis is disfavored at phrase edges, producing the second-position effect. Thus, the interface constraint approach leads to a unified account of word, phrase, and clitic prosody.

Thesis (Ph.D) -- University of Western Sydney, 2008. / A thesis submitted to the University of Western Sydney, College of Arts, MARCS Auditory Laboratories, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Anthropology, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

The thesis examines Serbian conspiracy culture at the time of the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in the spring of 1999. During the war, conspiratorial themes became a regular occurrence in Serbian mainstream media, as well as in pronouncements by the Serbian political establishment. For the most part, conspiratorial explanations focused on the machinations of transnational elite organisations such as the Bilderberg group or, more generally, on the conspiracy of 'the West'. However, conspiratorial accounts of the war occasionally invoked themes which were previously deemed to be beyond the boundaries of acceptable opinion, such as the allusion to a Jewish conspiracy or to the esoteric and occult aspects of the alleged plot. The thesis outlines the history of conspiracy theories in Serbia and critically reviews psychological approaches to understanding the nature of conspiracy theories. It suggests that the study of conspiratorial discourse requires the exploration of the rhetorical and argumentative structure of specific conspiratorial explanations, while paying special attention to the historical and ideological context within which these explanations are situated. The thesis is largely based upon the examination of the coverage of the war in the Serbian press. Recorded conversations with two well-known Serbian conspiracy theorists are also analysed. The study suggest that conspiratorial interpretations of the war drew upon a longstanding conspiracy tradition of explanation which has a strong anti-semitic legacy and is rooted in right-wing Christian ideology. Analytic chapters explore the discursive and ideological dynamics by which the anti-semitic and mystical aspects of the conspiracy tradition emerged briefly in Serbian mainstream media and political discourse. The thesis concludes by examining the status of conspiracy theories in Serbia in the aftermath of the political changes in October 2000.

The thesis explores the ways in which Serbian ethnic media in Canada represent their own group and “Others”, specifically Croats, Slovenians and Catholics, Bosniaks, Albanians and Muslims, Montenegrins and the West. The research investigates the convergence of these representations with Canadian multiculturalism. The thesis epistemologically feeds from Jean Jacques Rousseau’s 18th century theories of recognition and patriotism, Stuart Hall’s (1997) theory of representation and identity and Edward Said’s (1978) theory of Orientalism, and is further guided by the theoretical frameworks of Charles Taylor’s (1994) politics of recognition, Benedict Anderson’s (1992) long-distance nationalism and Maria Todorova’s (1994) Balkanism. Qualitative content analysis through purposive and sequential sampling of Serbian ethnic broadcasting is conducted to gauge the programs’ representations of the “Self” and “Others”. Ethnic media provide a method to promote a minority group’s heritage, but also to facilitate communication between various cultural, ethnic, religious and racial groups. In the age of an increased critique of multiculturalism, the role of ethnic media rises in importance. The findings of the thesis show that Serbian ethnic media employ Canadian multiculturalism to promote Serbian heritage, but also to stereotype other groups. Applying the theoretical juxtaposition of multiculturalism, nationalism and “Othering”, this research argues that through negative identification of “Others”, Serbian ethnic media deviate from Canadian multiculturalism that calls for a positive recognition of all Canadian groups.

<p>Osnovni cilj rada bio je da ustanovim relacije kojima<br />se u medijima razvija empatija prema jednoj od<br />sukobljenih strana u kontekstu ratnih sukoba, a koja<br />postaje deo kolektivnog identiteta publike (MI) i<br />negativno predstavljanje druge, neprijateljske strane u<br />kontekstu radnog sukoba (ONI).<br />Osnovna naučna hipoteza bila je da se empatijski<br />odnos medija prema jednoj od zaraćenih strana u<br />ratnom sukobu veoma često manifestuje pristrasnim<br />izve&scaron;tavanjem, tako da se jezičkim mehanizmima<br />simboličke identifikacije jedna od zaraćenih strana<br />određuje kao prijateljska strana u ratu, a njoj<br />suprotstavljena kao neprijateljska .<br />Korpus empirijskih podataka obuhvata &scaron;est dnevnih<br />listova (ukupno 58 primeraka dnevnih izdanja) i tri<br />televizijske stanice (1197 minuta televizijskog<br />programa) u desetodnevnom periodu. Primenjena<br />analiza diskursa obuhvata veće jedinice od rečenice.<br />Rezultati analize pokazuju sledeće.<br />1. U najvećem broju ratnih izve&scaron;taja iskazan je<br />(negativan ili pozitivan) medijski stav prema jednom<br />od aktera koji odgovaraju oružanim formacijama u<br />sukobu<br />2. Postoji simbolički prostor sa kojim se identifikuje<br />reportersko JA, u sklopu jedinstvene grupe koja<br />povezuje autora sa identitetom medijske publike<br />(grupom MI).<br />3. Medijski stav usmeren ka vojno-političkim<br />predstavnicima zaraćenih strana zavisi od toga da li je<br />određena ličnost od strane medija prepoznata kao<br />nosilac realne vojno-političke moći.<br />4. Na leksičkom nivou medijski stav je iskazan<br />najče&scaron;će: upotrebom ličnih zamenica u funkciji deiksi, ekspresivima, upotrebom termina sa</p><p>istorijskom konotacijom i kvalifikacijama, sve do<br />ironičnih naziva i pejorativa kao karakterističnih<br />obeležja negativnog stava. Dominirajuće diskursne<br />strategije upotrebljene u tom cilju su: predikacija,<br />perspektivizacija, legitimizacija (delegitimizacija) i<br />intenzifikacija, kao i konstruktivne i perpetuacione<br />makrostrategije izgrađivanja nacionalnog identiteta.<br />Zaključujem sledeće.<br />1. Analiza diskursno-jezičkih obeležja za iskazivanje<br />ličnog stava pokazala se kao odgovarajuća naučna<br />osnova za istraživanje jednostranog odnosa medija<br />prema stranama u ratnom sukobu.<br />2.Tokom daljnjeg usavr&scaron;avanja kritičke diskurs<br />analize kao metoda potreban je ujednačeniji i<br />sistematizovaniji pristup određivanju diskursnih<br />obeležja, usvojen i primenjen od strane grupa<br />istraživača koji promovi&scaron;u različite pristupe.<br />3.Vi&scaron;estruka studija slučaja u sklopu metoda kritičke<br />diskurs analize doprinela je da se identifikovane<br />pojave mogu tumačiti u odnosu na vremensku<br />perspektivu, dru&scaron;tvene i medijske uslove njihovog<br />nastanka.<br />Rezultati se mogu primeniti: 1. za pobolj&scaron;anje<br />medijske pismenost građana i građanki tokom procesa<br />razobličavanja mehanizama manipulacije medijskom<br />porukom; 2. za uspostavljanje minimuma standarda<br />objektivnog medijskog izve&scaron;tavanja koji bi bili<br />obezbeđeni i u uslovima vanrednih i ratnih okolnosti;<br />3. za usavr&scaron;avanje kritičke diskurs analize kao metoda<br />u interpretiranju medijskog diskursa.</p> / <p>The main aim of this paper was to ascertain the<br />relations media employ to promote, on the one hand,<br />empathy towards one of the conflicting parties at war,<br />which consequently becomes a part of the collective<br />identity of the audience (US), and on the other,<br />negative imaging of the opposing side or the enemy<br />(THEM).<br />The basic scientific hypothesis was that empathetic<br />attitude of media towards one of the warring sides is<br />often reflected in partial reporting. The linguistic<br />mechanism of symbolic identification helps to<br />determine one of the conflicting sides as friendly and<br />the opposing one as unfriendly.<br />Empirical data corpus includes six daily newspapers<br />(58 copies in total), plus three TV stations (1,197<br />minutes of television broadcasting) over a ten-day<br />period. Discourse analysis applied here focused on<br />linguistic units larger than a sentence.<br />The analysis results are as follows:<br />1. A vast majority of war reports express a certain<br />(positive or negative) media attitude towards<br />one of the participants in an armed<br />conflict.<br />2. There is a symbolic space a reporter&rsquo;s I is<br />identified with as a part of a unique group<br />which connects the author to the identity of<br />the media audience (the` US` group). 3. Media bias towards military and political representatives</p><p>of the warring parties depends on<br />who is considered to wield the real military<br />and political power.<br />4. Lexically speaking, a negative attitude of the<br />media is most frequently expressed by the following<br />means: deictic use of personal pronouns,<br />a use of expressive language, a use of<br />language with historic connotation and quality,<br />as well as a use of irony and derogatory<br />terms. Dominant discourse strategies employed<br />with the same aim are predication,<br />perspectivization, legitimization (delegitimatizon),<br />intensification, as well as the use of<br />macro-strategies of construction and perpetuation<br />in creating national identities.<br />Conclusions:<br />1.The analysis of linguistic discourse features<br />used to express personal attitude proved to be<br />a proper scientific basis for research into a<br />biased approach of media towards warring<br />parties.<br />2. Further improvement of the method of critical<br />discourse analysis requires the adoption<br />of a more balanced and systematic approach<br />to defining discourse features by various research<br />groups promoting different attitudes.<br />3. A multiple case study as part of a critical<br />discourse analysis method helped to interpret<br />the identified phenomena with reference to a<br />temporal, social and media context of their<br />occurrence.<br />The results can be useful in 1.improving media<br />literacy of general public in an attempt to<br />unmask manipulation mechanisms applied in<br />media messages; 2.establishing a basic standard<br />of unbiased media reporting which would<br />apply even in emergency and war conditions;<br />3.improving critical discourse analysis as a<br />method for interpretation of media discourse.</p>

<p>Predmet istraživanja ove disertacije je slovačkosrpska<br />dvojezičnost u Vojvodini. Dvojezičnost<br />je vrlo česta pojava u svetu te je i slovačkosrpska<br />dvojezičnost u savremenoj multijezičkoj<br />vojvođanskoj sredini sasvim prirodna. Postoji vi&scaron;e oblika dvojezičnosti, a prirodni dvojezični govornici su upravo pripadnici manjina (kao &scaron;to</p><p>je slučaj Slovaka u Vojvodini). Da li će<br />dvojezični Slovak iz Vojvodine upotrebiti jedan<br />(slovački) ili drugi (srpski) jezik zavisi od<br />komunikativne situacije kao i od sagovornika<br />(da li je i on dvojezičan ili jednojezičan).<br />Jezička kompetencija u oba jezika kod svih<br />slovačko-srpskih govornika nije uvek ista i u<br />njihovoj komunikaciji često dolazi do me&scaron;anja<br />kodova. Ovo istraživanje u najkraćem obuhvata<br />sledeća pitanja: 1) kakvi sve oblici slovačkosrpske<br />dvojezičnosti u Vojvodini postoje,<br />2) gde se sve paralelno koriste ova dva jezika,<br />3) na kom nivou je jezička kompetencija<br />slovačko-srpskih dvojezičnih govornika i<br />4) stav slovačko-srpskih dvojezičnih govornika<br />o svojoj jezičkoj kompetenciji na jednom ili<br />drugom jeziku. Op&scaron;ti cilj istraživanja bio je<br />detaljnije i sveobuhvatnije sagledavanje<br />slovačko-srpskog bilingvizma<br />u Vojvodini</p> / <p>The topic of the research in this PhD<br />thesis is Slovak-Serbian bilingualism in<br />Vojvodina. Bilingualism is a frequent<br />occurrence in the world so Slovak-Serbian<br />bilingualism in the contemporary multilingual<br />Vojvodinian setting is quite natural. There are<br />several forms of bilingualism, one of which<br />includes natural bilingual speakers who are members of ethnic minorities (as is the case of</p><p>Slovaks in Vojvodina). Whether a bilingual<br />Slovak from Vojvodina will use one language<br />(Slovak) or the other language (Serbian)<br />depends on the communicative situation and the<br />interlocutor (if he/she is bilingual or<br />monolingual). Linguistic competence in both<br />languages is not the same with all Slovak-<br />Serbian speakers and in their communication<br />there is a lot of code-switching.<br />This research in brief included the<br />following questions: 1) what forms of Slovak-<br />Serbian bilingualism in Vojvodina are there; 2)<br />where are these two languages uses in parallel;<br />3) at what level is the competence of Slovak-<br />Serbian bilingual speakers; 4) what are the<br />attitudes of Slovak-Serbian bilingual speakers<br />regarding their linguistic competence in one or<br />the other language. The general aim of the<br />research was to present a detailed and<br />comprehensive picture of Slovak-Serbian<br />bilingualism in Vojvodina.</p>