For over a decade European governments have invested in technological systems to develop new forms of border security in their attempts to regulate migration. Numerous innovations have been designed in order to grant border agencies an unbroken vision of the borderspace, thus allowing states to continuously enact the border beyond their territorial boundaries. Meanwhile, other strategies have been designed in order to control the movements and actions of 'irregular migrants' and asylum seekers following their successful attempts at reaching the territorial boundaries of the European Union (EU). In this thesis I seek to tease apart these technocratic claims of omni-voyance and pervasive control by focusing on the everyday realities of border control and the ways in which these are negotiated and resisted by those who seek to evade them. To this aim, I approach the border by drawing on assemblage theory, as well as feminist geopolitics' attention to performance and embodiment. Such an approach re-centres attention on the human performances of border control, emphasises the agency of 'non-human' actors, foregrounds the messy realities of borderspaces, and engages with the multiplicity of borders. In applying this approach, I argue that the border should not be thought of as a static entity; neither in its location in space, nor in terms of the actors that perform it. Instead, I have oriented my approach towards conceptualising the border as in a constant state of becoming - with actors being continuously added to and subtracted from the security assemblages which constitute the border. In particular I focus on the ways in which 'non-state' actors are increasingly being coerced into performing the border and what the effects of this are on those who seek to evade its violent gaze. In order to put this approach to work, I employ a multi-sited ethnographic study of three European borderspaces: the Frontex headquarters in Warsaw, the Straits of Gibraltar and an anonymised city in the United Kingdom (UK). In Warsaw and the Straits of Gibraltar (specifically the cities of Algeciras and Ceuta) my research was focused on two border surveillance assemblages: (1) The European Border Surveillance System (EUROSUR) operated by Frontex and (2) Spain's Sistema Integrado de Vigilancia del Exterior (SIVE) maritime surveillance system. I argue that the 'messiness' of the borderspace proves too complex for the surveillance system to control, the vision produced through SIVE being fragmented and stuttered through both human and technological flaws. I also highlight how securing the border is as much a temporal negotiation as it is a spatial one; the struggle for control over the borderspace comprising a contest of speed. The effect is a geography of the border that foregrounds the 'little details' of borderwork; exposing the flaws behind a scopic narrative that claims unceasing vision and an unhindered reach. While in Ceuta I also challenged the formal performances of the enclave as a 'humanitarian space'. Indeed, I argue that it is as a result of framing the enclave's detention centre as a reception centre for humanitarianism that irregular migrants can be detained in the autonomous city indefinitely. Yet the actors that perform the borders of the enclave do so in an untidy alliance which regularly springs leaks. I also discuss the tactics of the migrants who have made it to the enclave and who now seek to leave it again. In particular I note how their tactics of resistance have become entangled with the bordering strategies specific to the enclave. I also question the extent to which the border enclave and the specific identities forged by the migrants who pass through it will remain with them as they pass through future checkpoints of the European border - the evidence of their time spent in Ceuta locked in their fingertips. In the anonymised city in the UK my aims were to question the reach of the state into the everyday lives of asylum seekers. While the lives of asylum seekers are often described as being in 'limbo', I sought to question the temporalities and materialities of urban living for people stuck in the asylum system. I argue that the strategies used by the UK Home Office are intended to limit the movements and actions of asylum seekers in the city through securitising the support that asylum seekers are entitled to. I focus on the ways in which the border is carried by asylum seekers in the city through their use of ARC and Azure cards, especially, and the ways in which these cards serve to 'fix' people with the negative qualities and stereotypes associated with asylum seekers. Through volunteering for a group offering solidarity support to asylum seekers in the city, I also argue that this strategy of limiting movements can be resisted. Like the tactics encountered in Ceuta, however, these tactics frequently become entangled in the strategies of border control.

Inaug.-Diss.--Würzburg.

Intervirology has decided to publish the ensuing letter by Madani et al. [1] and a response by Alzahrani et al. [2] concerning a prior publication [3] . As the letter by Madani et al. was obviously not accepted by EID, Intervirology feels that it is fair and appropriate to provide the authors the opportunity to discuss what they see as substantial errors in the work of Alzahrani et al. [3] . Taxonomy is apparently a matter that raises emotions. Disagreements between researchers on designation of a new virus have occurred in the past, one only has to remember the issue on HTLV-III versus LAV between renowned groups of researches that was eventually cleared.

Le Corrector sive Medicus est un pénitentiel rédigé par Burchard, évêque de Worms (1000-1025). Il s’agit d’un manuel destiné à guider les confesseurs lors de l’administration du sacrement de pénitence. Intégré dans le Decretum, l’œuvre majeure de Burchard, il compte parmis les pénitentiels les plus illustres. Il contient notamment un questionnaire très élaboré sur les péchés commis par les fidèles. Les 194 questions du Corrector sive Medicus constituent l’objet d’étude de ce mémoire. Entre le VIIe et le XIIe siècle, les pénitentiels forment une longue tradition littéraire où les textes se répètent constamment. Le questionnaire du Corrector sive Medicus se distingue du fait qu’il est rédigé en grande partie par Burchard lui-même. Les détails précis sur les survivances païennes et la religion populaire que l’évêque introduit dans son pénitentiel permettent, comme aucune autre source de la période, une analyse ethno-historique de la culture germanique. La première partie du mémoire est consacrée à la présentation du Corrector sive Medicus : j’y décris d’abord le contexte historique et biographique de l’œuvre, puis discute d’une herméneutique littéraire, pour enfin proposer une synthèse diachronique des traditions germaniques. La deuxième partie offre, pour la première fois en français, la traduction intégrale du questionnaire de Burchard, accompagnée de commentaires sur différents sujets ou problèmes soulevés par le texte, notamment ceux qui concernent la culture germanique. Finalement sont placés en annexe quelques documents qui témoignent, tout comme le Corrector sive Medicus, d’un syncrétisme religieux profondément enraciné dans les mœurs des Germains. / The Corrector sive Medicus is a penitential written by Burchard, the bishop of Worms (1000-1025). It is a book used by confessors to guide them when they must administer the Sacrament of Penance. It has been fully integrated into Burchard's greatest work, the Decretum, and is amongst the most complete of the known penitentials. It is mainly composed of an elaborate set of questions about the sins committed by the Church's followers. This thesis' subject matter regards the Corrector sive Medicus' 194 questions. Between the seventh and the twelfth century, penitentials were a literary tradition where texts were continuously reused. The Corrector sive Medicus' series of questions distinguishes itself from this because it mainly originates from Burchard himself. He introduces in his penitential precise details about pagan survivals and the popular religion that allow, more than any literary source of the time, an ethnohistorical analysis of Germanic culture. The first section of this thesis is dedicated to presenting the Corrector sive Medicus. I first describe the historical and biographical context surrounding its creation, then explain my method of analysis for the penitential, and finally propose a diachronic summary of Germanic traditions. The second section offers, for the first time in French, a complete translation of Burchard's series of questions, as well as comments pertaining to different themes or problems raised by it, most notably those concerning Germanic culture. Finally, some documents are appended to this thesis that show, similarly to the Corrector sive Medicus, a deeply rooted religious syncretism.

Le Corrector sive Medicus est un pénitentiel rédigé par Burchard, évêque de Worms (1000-1025). Il s’agit d’un manuel destiné à guider les confesseurs lors de l’administration du sacrement de pénitence. Intégré dans le Decretum, l’œuvre majeure de Burchard, il compte parmis les pénitentiels les plus illustres. Il contient notamment un questionnaire très élaboré sur les péchés commis par les fidèles. Les 194 questions du Corrector sive Medicus constituent l’objet d’étude de ce mémoire. Entre le VIIe et le XIIe siècle, les pénitentiels forment une longue tradition littéraire où les textes se répètent constamment. Le questionnaire du Corrector sive Medicus se distingue du fait qu’il est rédigé en grande partie par Burchard lui-même. Les détails précis sur les survivances païennes et la religion populaire que l’évêque introduit dans son pénitentiel permettent, comme aucune autre source de la période, une analyse ethno-historique de la culture germanique. La première partie du mémoire est consacrée à la présentation du Corrector sive Medicus : j’y décris d’abord le contexte historique et biographique de l’œuvre, puis discute d’une herméneutique littéraire, pour enfin proposer une synthèse diachronique des traditions germaniques. La deuxième partie offre, pour la première fois en français, la traduction intégrale du questionnaire de Burchard, accompagnée de commentaires sur différents sujets ou problèmes soulevés par le texte, notamment ceux qui concernent la culture germanique. Finalement sont placés en annexe quelques documents qui témoignent, tout comme le Corrector sive Medicus, d’un syncrétisme religieux profondément enraciné dans les mœurs des Germains. / The Corrector sive Medicus is a penitential written by Burchard, the bishop of Worms (1000-1025). It is a book used by confessors to guide them when they must administer the Sacrament of Penance. It has been fully integrated into Burchard's greatest work, the Decretum, and is amongst the most complete of the known penitentials. It is mainly composed of an elaborate set of questions about the sins committed by the Church's followers. This thesis' subject matter regards the Corrector sive Medicus' 194 questions. Between the seventh and the twelfth century, penitentials were a literary tradition where texts were continuously reused. The Corrector sive Medicus' series of questions distinguishes itself from this because it mainly originates from Burchard himself. He introduces in his penitential precise details about pagan survivals and the popular religion that allow, more than any literary source of the time, an ethnohistorical analysis of Germanic culture. The first section of this thesis is dedicated to presenting the Corrector sive Medicus. I first describe the historical and biographical context surrounding its creation, then explain my method of analysis for the penitential, and finally propose a diachronic summary of Germanic traditions. The second section offers, for the first time in French, a complete translation of Burchard's series of questions, as well as comments pertaining to different themes or problems raised by it, most notably those concerning Germanic culture. Finally, some documents are appended to this thesis that show, similarly to the Corrector sive Medicus, a deeply rooted religious syncretism.

Comme nombre de cités industrielles Firminy (Loire) est au sortir de la seconde guerre mondiale une ville où insalubrité et surpeuplement règnent. Les amitiés tissées dans les réseaux de résistance, la recherche d’un terrain propice aux expériences amènent un ancien ministre de la Reconstruction, Eugène Claudius-Petit, déjà député, à briguer le poste de maire. Elu en 1953, il lance très rapidement une vaste opération de rénovation et de restructuration de la cité. Alors que les grands ensembles fleurissent dans les banlieues des grandes villes, il impulse un programme de ce type dans une cité de 25 000 habitants. Il fait appel à une équipe resserrée d’amis architectes, Roux, Sive, Delfante pour concevoir un nouveau quartier suivant les idées de la Charte d’Athènes, Firminy-Vert. Opération de secteur industrialisé, le chantier est aussi un modèle d’industrialisation et de préfabrication. La construction de plus de 1000 logements est lancée et a pour ambition d’offrir aux locataires une nouvelle manière d’habiter génératrice d’une nouvelle société. Architecture, urbanisme, sont mis au service d’une renaissance de la cité. Bâtissant un quartier ils incluent dans le projet des équipements collectifs : écoles, commerces, stade et même une maison de la Culture. Le Corbusier est invité et conçoit pour cette cité une Maison de la Culture, un stade, une unité d’habitation et une église dont le chantier, étalé sur plus de 30 ans, vient de connaître son achèvement offrant à la cité une reconnaissance patrimoniale internationale. La communauté rêvée et attendue dans cet habitat moderne laisse place à la communauté réelle qui s’approprie et transforme ce quartier trop souvent oublié. / Firminy a small mining community in the outskirts of Saint-Etienne (France) at the end of WW2 is no different from most industrial cities, the stigma of poverty, human misery, overcrowded and unplanned developments are everywhere. Eugene Claudius Petit, in charge of the post war country rebuilding effort will leverage its connections with the best town planners and Architects to launched some new architectural and planning developments in Firminy, a City were he has been elected mayor in 1953. The renewal and redevelopment endeavor is mimicking in a city of just 25 thousand inhabitants, the projects that at a much broader scale flourish throughout the continent. But the project is also sticking by Eugene Claudius Petit to recruit the best architects and town planner of the time. Roux, Selfante and Sive will help red-define the entire city based on the 95-point program of the Athens chart. Firminy-Vert will also prove to be the perfect model and case study for new building methods experiments and the use of prefabricated element in particular. One thousand accomodations are completed, offering as much useful amenities as possible is a key element in order to create a new way of living, even a new sense of community and society. Architects, town planners are working together to rebuild, regenerate, hoping for a complete Renaissance. Public amenities such as a sport center, a cultural and communities center, a church (which as just been completed 30 years after the ground breaking and give the opportunity for this now coherent development to be world heritage. The idealistic community comes to live translated into a very real community that generates life in a neighborhood too often undervalued and almost forgotten.

PROTECTION OF PERSONALITY IN SCOPE OF LEGAL PHILOSOPHY AND APPLICABLE LAW 1. Summary We can see law from two main perspectives. Law is either complex of written regulations, which are prepared by human beings based on some interests or it is a complex of rules, which altough are written, but its nature are originating from higher normative system. First is a present perspective. Current law science is prefering valid law as complex of regulations published in statute book. What is not banned by law, is allowed. Though this law philosophy is leading to instability in society. Every year legislator is making hundreds of amendements and create new laws to cover new circumstances which appear in the society. Despite legislator effort is society further unsatisfied with legal state. Society claims that law is enforceable for those who are able to hire big law firms, which can find neccesary grey areas. Immanuel Kant among the first draw a problem between legality and legitimacy. But it is not only matter of legislator whether he acts legitimately or legally, but as well as of receiver of law norm. Is every legal act of the recepient of the legal order of the Czech Republic legal as legitimate? Legal yes, if in conformity with legal order. But is it even legitimate? And is it moral? For juspositivism is...