本篇論文旨在探究列寧與史達林統治期間，蘇聯電影之濫觴與發展。文中首先詳論蘇聯電影形成之時代背景與特殊使命，說明電影傳入俄國之初，正值布黨握權未久，民心浮動之際，列寧與史達林如何善用電影高可塑性及易於大量複製之特色，進行政策宣導與掃盲教育，不僅積極為共黨樹立領導威信，更塑造政權繼承之合法性。 1917年十月革命之後，蘇聯共黨首重電影工業之管理，從1919年列寧將電影工業收歸國有起，至1953年史達林去世為止，蘇聯電影機構與管理階層不斷改組，權力集中。與其他各國娛樂商業影片相較，蘇聯電影濃厚之政治色彩與實用功能，風格自異。 蘇聯電影在歷經戰時共產主義、新經濟政策、社會主義寫實主義、二次世界大戰等不同階段的政策洗禮後，除呈現一系列歌功頌德的樣板影片外，亦在重重監檢制度與狹窄創作空間下迸發令人驚嘆的藝術成就，如庫列雪夫、愛森斯坦、普多夫金、杜甫仁科等大師的電影蒙太奇理論，又如他們結合政治現實與藝術理想之社會寫實創作。蘇聯電影不僅成功整合政治宣傳，鼓舞民心士氣，更於拍攝技巧和視覺美學上，創造出彌足珍貴的藝術語言，為本論文提供豐富且堅實之藝術佐證。 / This dissertation mainly discussed the development of Soviet Cinema under Soviet Socialist ideology during Lenin & Stalin period from 1917 to 1953. First came into its historical background and special mission: cinema came into Russia in early 20th century while Revolutionaries just grabbed power, Lenin and Stalin wisely used the characteristics of high plasticity and massive reproduction in films to propagandize their political policy and to educate the overwhelmingly illiterate peasant masses. Not only did Soviet Cinema build reputation for Soviet Communists, it also helped to legalize the regime of Bolsheviks. After the 1917 Revolution, Bolsheviks first pay their attention to the management of film industry. From 1919 Lenin took over the whole Soviet film industry and made it nationalized to 1953 Stalin passed away, Soviet film department had been gone through process of constant reshuffles and power centralization. To compare with the entertaining and commercial film industry in other countries, Soviet Cinema is unique for its strong political color as well as its pronounced pragmatic function. After baptizing itself through the policy changes during the different political Stages in Wartime Communism, New Economic Policy, Socialist Realism, plus Second World War, in addition to a series of complimentary stereotype films, Soviet Cinema, under layer upon layer censorship and cramped creative room, still spurted its astonishing artistic achievements to the world: the Montage film theory developed by Kuleshev, Eisenstien, Pudovkin and Dovzhenko, the masterpieces of social and realistic creation which demonstrate sophisticate combination of political reality and artistic idealism. Soviet cinema played a successful role in integrating the political propaganda with encouraging the massed; furthermore, it also create the precious artistic languages in the shooting skills and visual aesthetics, all these apply the rich and profound artistic evidences for this dissertation.

毛澤東的文藝思想主要包含了馬克思主義,中國傳統文化,以及二十世紀中 國革命思潮三個來源,這三者之間並非全無扞格,但是毛澤東卻是採取一種 相當實用的態度來處理這些不同的思維.其間的判準並不全是基於推動革 命事業的需求,還包括了毛澤東相當個人化的忖度與反應,包括他的世界 觀,他的欣賞情趣,以及他對權力地位的佔有欲望.這使得在毛澤東文藝思 想宰制下的中國文藝歷史,呈現出一種多變的,不穩定的,壓抑且扭曲的面 貌.除了歷史情境的因素,以及與毛澤東個人因素之間的互動探討之外,筆 者也指出了馬克思主義文藝觀演變之下,文藝的革命性被政治實踐要求扭 曲,以及革命文藝對於文藝歷史扭曲的結構性因素.於是,文藝的實用性從 事實認定轉變為本質認定,其極至的結果,使得文藝淪為政治的宣傳工具. 中共在新時期主導中國大陸的文藝思想,與毛澤東文藝思想的最大區別,在 於知識份子的地位從工農兵文藝原則下的尷尬地位解放出來,這對於中國 大陸文藝的多元發展,起著根本的正面作用.但無論如何,文藝的首要價值 仍是受到非文藝的因素決定,在中共政權之下,加在文藝工作者身上的束縛 仍是存在的.

This thesis proposes a theoretical framework for spatial inquiry into conditions of radical social gregariousness, through probing the crowd design problem in the work of the Soviet Rationalist architects (1920s-30s) - particularly their submissions to the Palace of Soviets competition (Moscow 1931-3). Legitimizing the crowd construct as an index of collective consciousness, and examining the early-modern revolutionary crowd's struggles for proclaiming its self-consciousness, this thesis investigates the interwar political phenomenon of amassing large crowds within buildings as a device for constructing collective social relations. The research project is divided into two main parts. The first is concerned with the crowd design problem, identifying this problem not just as the technical task of accommodating large political crowds, but as the basis of the formulation a new kind of conceptual intent in architecture. Finding the competition brief inadequate to in-depth formulation, the thesis investigates three primary sources for the crowd design problem: mass-events, revolutionary-theatre and revolutionary-art. Four components comprise the Crowd Design Problem each seeking legitimacy in the mass of crowd-bodies: i) the problem of crowd configurations; ii) challenges from the kinesthetic-space conception evoked by theatrical director V.E. Meyerhold's Biomechanics; iii) the legitimacy of 'the object' within a spatial-field of intersubjectivity; and iv) the challenge of 'seeing' crowds from immersive viewpoints counteracting representational filters of class privilege. Part-II focuses on the response of the Rationalists--one of the groups participating in the competition--to the crowd design problem. The study unearths in their designs a logic of space-making founded in the construction of inter-subjective states of consciousness radically different from prevailing individualistic conceptions of social space. To explain this logic of space-making, it proposes the notion of Gregarious Space--a theoretical framework of inquiry into what Marx called "species-being", taking radical gregariousness as the primary, generative condition of society. Besides drawing on morphological principles, social theory, historical analyses, and philosophical reflections, the notion of Gregarious Space is found to be particularly amenable to design propositions. Within the proposed theoretical framework, the Rationalists' design-proposition of curved-grounds, dense notations, textured co-visibilities and empathetic graphic conventions - all comprise a founding spatial-principle trafficking in rhythmic fields between subjects and against non-commodified objects: a principle which challenges the material domain of Productivist Constructivism as well as Historical Materialism's canonical constructs of alienation. Moreover, its uncertain kinesthetics sustain dynamic, aleatory states of consciousness which subvert prevailing disciplinary techniques of Panopticon inspection.

在擴大對「蘇聯文化」研究的基礎上，本論文探討蘇聯的文化政治與政策施作，其終極目標乃透過命名的權力來建構文化的社會主體性，也即「蘇維埃人」這樣的歷史共同體。為求例證之多樣性，本論文綜合了文化研究與歷史研究途徑，以文本分析和文獻分析作為研究方法，並將指涉的文化政策範圍縮限於文學與藝術領域，以及對文化公共財，如圖書館、博物館、劇院的擴充。 對布爾什維克而言，爭取文化霸權就是建構並傳播蘇維埃意識形態，透過意識形態國家機器，即藝文團體、報刊媒體等來體現，繼而將個人建構為主體，製造出一批批本應如此的「形象」。因此，蘇維埃意識形態始終驅動著蘇聯文化政策的開展。配合主政之領導人，國家對政策的指導可簡化為「文化革命─社會主義寫實主義─公開性」的歷程，並對應由逐漸緊縮到開放的程度。其中，由列寧發起的文化革命可謂蘇聯文化政策的承先啟後階段，尚且容許藝文團體的多元發展。進入史達林時期後，所推出的社會主義寫實主義既是一種創作風格，也是政策的依歸。從寫作到編曲，從繪畫到電影，它為蘇聯的文藝創作設置理論與框架，並成為作品能否公開展演及獲得國家獎勵的唯一標準。至於戈巴契夫的公開性則帶來蘇維埃意識形態更為人性化的修正與文化政策的轉折。 另一方面，本論文透過觀照經蘇維埃化所產生之新蘇維埃人的日常生活片斷，概括蘇維埃文化的若干特徵，點出其指導大眾邁向由官方營造之理想人生的規訓功能，繼而探究蘇聯社會中不同身分的互動，析論政策造成的後續影響。藉由對精英、婦女與青年等文化研究關鍵面向的討論，可以發現蘇聯文化政策的差別待遇模式，以及未將文化納入政策考量的若干失誤。

Günter Kochan (1930-2009) war einer der erfolgreichsten und bekanntesten Komponisten der DDR. Er hinterließ über 200 Werke, darunter zahlreiche bedeutende sinfonische Arbeiten, die jedoch nach der Wende größtenteils in Vergessenheit gerieten. Kochan galt als staatsnaher Komponist und wurde dementsprechend nach 1990 an den Rand gedrängt, seine Musik wurde nun vor allem nach ihrem politischen Inhalt hinterfragt und geriet aufgrund ausbleibender Aufführungen und Neuveröffentlichungen alsbald in Vergessenheit. Die Arbeit behandelt das Spannungsfeld zwischen auferlegten kulturpolitischen Regeln und individuellem künstlerischen Entfaltungsstreben vor dem Hintergrund der offiziellen Leitlinie des "sozialistischen Realismus" in der DDR. Sie beleuchtet dieses exemplarisch anhand der Biographie und des Schaffens von Günter Kochan. Nach einer allgemeinen Darstellung der DDR-Kulturpolitik von 1949-1990, einer Kurzbiographie und einem Überblick über Kochans Gesamtschaffen konzentriert sich die Arbeit auf die Analyse und den Vergleich der 2. und 6. Sinfonie (entstanden 1969 und 2006), die als Beispiele für Kochans musikalische Hauptdomäne herangezogen werden und an denen typische Merkmale seiner Musik im mittleren und im greiften Stil vergleichend herausgearbeitet werden. Die Arbeit baut auf mehreren Interviews mit Vertrauten Kochans auf und nutzt zudem bisher wenig bis gar nicht beachtete Quellen sowie bisher unveröffentlichte Werke Kochans. Sie ist die erste Gesamtdarstellung zu Leben und Werk des Komponisten und enthält zudem das erste vollständige, systematisch und chronologisch geordnete Werkverzeichnis der Kompositionen Günter Kochans sowie eine Übersicht der derzeit verfügbaren Tondokumente.

The dissertation is dedicated to the under-researched subject of the official sculpture in the DDR and ČSR in the time-frame 1948-1968. By evaluating the material on a broad background of the art historical, historical, cultural and ideological determinants, the dissertation endeavour to provide an accurate insight into the internal processes of the cultural machinery of the Socialist states with regard to sculpture and sculptors. The comparative character of the dissertation contributes to the understanding of the critical questions of art historical research of the period - such as the (in)authenticity of the local varieties of Socialist Realism and relatedness to the SSSR Socrealism, dates of the Socrealism existence, engagement of modernist sculptors, principles of the state/artist relationship or the second life of the Socrealist sculpture.

The work of Antonin Tenzer involves his activities in the period of six decades in the turbulent era of development of Czechoslovak history of architecture. The architect is known as one of the representatives of the avant-garde and High functionalism, author of Faculty Hospital in Prague-Motol and other medical buildings or the Jalta hotel, a building associated with socialist realism. In my dissertation, I tried to map the main typological fields that Antonín Tenzer used in his work. My goal was to widen the portfolio of famous buildings, and on the basis I defined the architect's major themes and current issues, which were responded in his effort. I based primarily on historic materials - published projects, plan documentation and writings of public and private archives, as well as personal heritage, made available to me by the architect's family. In particular thematic areas I focused on Tenzer's vital and successful implementation of competition projects, which he later followed and extended. In addition to impulses from his collaborators, debates and majors works of those days I was looking for elements and methods of Tenzer that influenced the architecture environment. I observed the influence of historical events and the socio-political situation in his work, for example, housing issues in...

Thesis called "The reception of poetry poetics of the year 1950 as an attempt of fulfilling Štoll`s ideologically-aesthetical conception" aims, baring in mind a wider cultural-political context, to trace back the extent of indentification of stalin literal critique with Štoll`s ideologically-aesthetical conception soon after its presentation on the business conference of the Czechoslovak Writers` Union in January 1950. Working with selected poetry poetics of that year it is trying to render the specifics of their reception after this speech had been accepted as a final methodological and value indicator of all contemporary literal-crtitic cretive activity. As an initial document for this thesis is therefore Ladislav Štoll`s book {\clqq}Thirty Years of Fight for the Czech Socialist Poetry`` (1950), the extended printed version of Štoll`s report which even contains parts of Jiří Taufer`s speech from the same conference. In three autonomous parts, for all that linked in a way, the thesis tries concretely bring into effect these requested intentions by focusing on books of poetry {\clqq}Zpěv míru`` by Vítězslav Nezval, {\clqq}Píseň o Viktorce`` by Jaroslav Seifert and {\clqq}Máj země`` by Ivan Skála. Being aware of the necessity of taking into account even the non-literal influences it looks into not only their contemporary reception itself but also aboriginal cultural-political circumstances and the poets` status in the hierarchical mosaic of cultural politics of that time. In the overall framework effort of creating complex view of the questions introduced, the thesis` subchapters offer attempts of own literal analysis of discussed poetry works.

Jorge Semprun, survivant de Buchenwald, entend « faire [du] témoignage un espace de création ». L’inventivité formelle du roman lui permet d’exprimer la vérité de l’expérience vécue, en créant un espace textuel réflexif où auteur et lecteur, l’un mis en scène dans l’acte d’écriture, l’autre appelé à prendre conscience de son rapport actif à la constitution du sens du récit, se rencontrent dans la relation éthique du témoignage. Mon travail concerne les caractéristiques formelles de ce roman de l’histoire, pour expliciter sa relation au discours politique en particulier, et mettre en relief l’autonomie esthétique du roman, sur laquelle repose la spécificité du rapport littéraire à l’histoire. Semprun met en place cette esthétique au moyen de multiples innovations narratives et d’une conception du récit comme performance, où le Dire est distinct du Dit (Levinas) : cette dimension performative du récit est décrite dans cette étude au moyen d’une approche phénoménologique de la lecture, centrée sur les dynamiques interprétative et imaginaire mises en œuvre par le sujet lisant. Le contraste entre esthétique narrative et discours idéologique définit non seulement les stratégies d’écriture de Semprun, mais également le rôle attribué au lecteur : ce dernier, prenant conscience des motivations et procédés rhétoriques de l’auteur, qui multiplient explicitement les trajectoires interprétatives au sein du texte, réalise que l’enjeu du témoignage réside dans l’acte de lecture, une lecture engagée, participative et en perpétuel renouvellement / Jorge Semprun, survivor of Buchenwald, intends to « make testimony a space of creation ». The formal inventiveness of the novel allows him to express the truth of his experience, by creating a reflexive textual space in which the author is presented in the act of writing, and the reader is called to realize his/her active part in the constitution of narrative meanings. Author and reader thus collaborate on establishing the ethical relationship of testimony. My dissertation examines the formal characteristics of this novel of history, to describe its relationship to political discourse in particular, and to highlight the aesthetic autonomy of the novel, which defines the specificity of literature’s approach of history. Semprun develops this aesthetics through multiple narrative innovations and a conception of narration as performance, where Saying is distinct from the Said (Levinas) : this performative dimension of the narration is described in this work through a phenomenological notion of reading, centered on the interpretative and imaginary activities brought into play by the reading subject. The contrast between narrative aesthetics and ideological discourse does not only define Semprun’s writing strategies, but also the function attributed to the reader in these texts. Becoming aware of the author’s motivations and rhetorical processes, which explicitly multiply interpretative trajectories within the text, the reader realizes that the stakes of testimony reside in the act of reading, a reading that is engaged, participative, and perpetually renewed.

This paper proposes a literary analysis of the novel A Hora Próxima, by Alina Paim, it´s try to recognize the marks of socialist realism, a cultural project led by the Communist Political Party of Brazil (PCB) in the years 1940 and 1950. In addition to the partisan press, literature played an important role in this project and the novel can be considered paradigmatic of the proposal. The fictional reconstruction of the railway strike was made through a real research by Alina Paim , that had troubles to this author and revealed the context of the Cold War in Brazil with the persecution of communist intellectuals. The streams of memory, we seek to reveal the relationship between memory, history and literature, discussing the limits and possibilities between history and fiction through the characters of Paim´s romance, which summarize the certainties and illusions of the cultural project of socialist realism in Brazilian literature. / Este trabalho propõe uma análise literária do romance A hora próxima, de Alina Paim, buscando reconhecer as marcas do realismo socialista, projeto cultural capitaneado pelo Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) nos anos 1940 e 1950. Além da imprensa partidária, a literatura desempenhou papel relevante neste projeto e o romance pode ser considerado paradigmático da proposta. A reconstrução ficcional da greve dos ferroviários foi feita por meio de pesquisa de campo, que trouxe dissabores à autora e revelaram o contexto da Guerra Fria no Brasil com a perseguição aos intelectuais comunistas. Pelos trilhos da memória, buscamos revelar as relações entre memória, história e literatura, discutindo os limites e possibilidades entre história e ficção através dos personagens do romance paimiano, que sintetizam as certezas e ilusões do projeto cultural do realismo socialista na literatura brasileira.