Sensory processing disorder (SPD)is a neurological disorder that effects how sensory stimuli is translated in the brain and then incorrectly circulated into responses. It is estimated that one in twenty people may have been diagnosed with SPD. Children diagnosed with SPD have responses to stimuli that are over-responsive or under-responsive and find it challenging to correctly process sensory input compared to their peers. <div>This IRB approved study focused on investigating the benefits of brain breaks for middle school students with SPD. Sixteen middle school teachers in one school participated in a needs assessment survey regarding their knowledge of sensory processing disorder and brain breaks and how they implemented brain breaks into their classroom.Questions were based on prior knowledge of sensory processing and brain breaks. Regarding the level of prior knowledge about sensory processing disorder, 6.25% of participating middle school teachers reported that they are very familiar with SPD, 50% of teachers reported they are somewhat familiar with SPD, 12.5% of teachers reported they are not so familiar with SPD, and 31.25% of teachers reported that they are not at all familiar with SPD. Teachers were also asked how effective they thought brain breaks are on student learning and its impact on behavior in the classroom with teachers responding that, “students seem more engaged after we do a brain break in class,” or, “I feel that they are effective because it gives students the opportunity to energize and restart.”<br></div><div>A handbook was created to help teachers understand what SPD is and how to recognize it in their classroom. Guidelines are included in the handbook for ways to use brain breaks in the classroom to help with sensory seeking students needing movement.<br></div><div><br></div>

This Diploma thesis deals with the campaign of the two political parties SPD and Trikolóra on social media networks before regional elections in 2020. It strives to show the form and the differences of the pre election campaign of these two political parties two weeks before the elections on Facebook, YouTube, Twitter and Instagram. The theoretical part shows the way we can classify the political parties with the cleavages, describes the chosen social media platforms and answers why these four specific platforms had been chosen. It narrates the characteristics of the regional elections with the second-order elections theory and defines negative campaign. The practical part of the thesis draws attention to the political situation in the Czech Republic in autumn 2020, because the regional elections were affected by the Covid-19 pandemic. This part describes SPD and Trikolóra, their history, electoral achievements, defines the election program of these two parties and their similarities. The next chapter includes the quantitative analysis of the social media platforms of SPD and Trikolóra which is supplemented by the qualitative analysis describing the content of the posts. The conclusion of the thesis compares the data of the two parties and provides the campaign differences.

This doctoral thesis deals with the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and its foreign policy towards Czechoslovakia during the 1970s and 1980s. It aims not only to analyse the relationship between SPD and KSČ (Communist Party of Czechoslovakia) but also the communication and cooperation between SPD, Czechoslovak dissidents and Czechoslovak political emigration. The main goal of the dissertation is to answer three basic questions: What were the goals of social democratic eastern policy (Ostpolitik) towards ČSSR? Were they achieved? Does the party changed its attitude towards Czechoslovakia after 1982, when it became an opposition party?

Diese Dissertation befasst sich mit einem Theorietest des Evolutorischen Institutionalismus in Parteien und ihrer Evolution. Sie will die folgenden Leserkreise ansprechen: die Parteiforscher und die evolutorische institutionelle Theoretiker. Wer sich für eine einheitliche Theorie, mit der sich langfristige Parteienwandlungen sowohl im demokratischen als auch im autokratischen System beschreiben sowie erklären lassen, interessiert, der kann in dieser Arbeit einen neuen theoretischen Ansatz kennenlernen. Wer sich für die Anwendbarkeit des Evolutorischen Institutionalismus interessiert, der kann eine theoretische Konkretisierung und deren empirische Prüfungen erfahren. Außerdem kann diese Dissertation die Leser interessieren, denen ein politisch-kultureller Vergleich zwischen Deutschland und China als interessant erscheint. Die Dissertation wurde anhand folgender Vorgehensweise in zwei Teilen entwickelt: Im ersten Teil wurden die wichtigsten analytischen Kategorien des Evolutorischen Institutionalismus mit Hilfe der Parteientypologien durch deduktives Arbeiten in Bezug zu politischen Parteien entfaltet. Anschließend wurden die Hauptaussagen des Evolutorischen Institutionalismus Partei entsprechend abgeleitet und ausformuliert. Damit ließ sich die erste Forschungsfrage, wie und warum sich politische Parteien wandeln, im Licht des Evolutorischen Institutionalismus theoretisch beantwortet. Im zweiten Teil wurden die ausgearbeiteten theoretischen Aussagen in der Praxis der Parteienentwicklungen am Fallbeispiel der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands und der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas allgemein empirisch geprüft. Bei der allgemeinen Analyse der Geschichte der SPD und der KPCh bezog man umfangreiche geschichtliche Zäsuren und Persönlichkeiten mit ein, bei denen sehr verschiedene Phänomene auftraten. Dabei ließen diese sich ohne Schwierigkeiten durch einige EI-Muster ausmachen, was damit in der Konsequenz die Reichweite (umfangreichste Phänomene beschreiben und erklären zu können) sowie die Sparsamkeit (mit möglichst wenigen neuen Begriffen) des Evolutorischen Institutionalismus bestätigt. Daraufhin wurden vier konkretere Fälle, die die bereits formulierte Thesen anscheinend widerlegen können, präzise und tiefer untersucht. Bei der Betrachtung dieser Fälle ergaben sich die Fragen, warum sich die Inkraftsetzung des Godesberger Programms ca. zehn Jahre verzögert hat, obwohl die SPD schon seit Ende des 2. Weltkriegs kontinuierlich Wahlniederlagen erlitten hatte; warum Erich Ollenhauer schließlich der Parteireform der SPD zustimmte, obwohl er damals als der zuverlässige Nachfolger Kurt Schumachers galt und am Anfang seines Partei-Vorsitzes den politischen Leitfaden Schumachers ohne Abweichung weiterführen wollte; warum die Kulturrevolution durch die KPCh in einem Zeitraum von zehn Jahren durchgeführt werden konnte, obwohl diese der chinesischen Gesellschaft Chaos gebracht hat; warum Xi Jinping anstrebte, das chinesische kommunistische System aufrechtzuerhalten, obwohl er die kommunistische Revolution aus der Zeit vor der Entstehung der Volksrepublik China nicht erlebt hatte. Grundsätzlich haben diese Fälle die beiden EI-Thesen sowie deren Genauigkeit und Tiefe bestätigt, obwohl analytische Ambivalenzen an einigen Stellen auftraten. Damit lässt sich bestätigen, dass der Evolutorische Institutionalismus bei der Beschreibung und Erklärung des Wandels politischer Parteien gilt. Somit hat er gleichzeitig seine theoretischen Vorteile und Nachteile aufgezeigt. Die wesentlichen Ergebnisse der Dissertation bestehen dahin: Geänderte biografische Prägungen wichtiger (neuer) Parteimitglieder (vor allem der Parteispitze und der Funktionäre) beim Generationswechsel führen zum Wandel der Leitidee(n) A der Partei in Form einer fehlerhaften Replikation des Musters A oder in Form einer Rekombination von Muster A und eigenen Prägungen. Wenn Ressource R, die für das Überleben einer Partei notwendig ist, auf Grund des gesellschaftlichen Wandels (Sozialwandels?) – d.h. einer Veränderung von Funktionsanforderungen der Gesellschaft an die Partei (Funktion F wird zur Funktion F´) oder einer Änderung der Kapazität von Ressource R in der Gesellschaft selbst – nicht mehr ausreichend zur Verfügung steht, dann muss die Partei (um zu überleben) den neuen Nischenbedingungen ihre Leitideen dahingehend anpassen, dass ihr Ressource R weiterhin ausreichend erhalten bleibt. Der Evolutorischen Institutionalismus stimmt bei Beschreibung und Erklärung des Wandels politischer Parteien und zeigte sich in der Parteienanalyse sehr starke Gültigkeit und Anwendbarkeit im Sinne von Genauigkeit, Reichweit, Produktivität, interne Konsistenz, Tiefe, Einfachheit und Sparsamkeit. Außerdem ermöglichen dessen angemessener analytischer Freiheitsgrad verschiedene Aspekte desselben Gegenstandes.

Sensory processing disorder (SPD) is a neurological condition that alters the way an individual perceives sensory information. Although the condition has been studied for more than 40 years, SPD remains a difficult condition to diagnose, treat, and live with because it affects individuals uniquely, and the symptoms can change from childhood to adulthood. For children diagnosed with SPD, the misinterpretation of sensory cues can cause difficulties in family, social, and academic settings. While there is some research on the assessment and treatment of SPD, what is missing is a deeper understanding of the family, social and academic challenges these children and their families face. The purpose of this case study was to examine the experiences of children diagnosed with SPD, as told by 4 parents and their occupational therapist in semi-structured interviews. Four themes emerged from the analysis: family dynamics (challenges within the family structure), support impact (seeking and having support), emotion and balance (overcoming the struggles related to the emotional demand), and an SPD child (the search for balance for the child and the family). The results may serve as a catalyst to encourage positive social change for the children with SPD and their families by expanding the available knowledge on the challenges of SPD.

The main aim of this study is to compare the prevalence of diabetes-related complications in white to the prevalence in other racial and ethnic groups in United States using 2009 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS). By constructing the logistic regression model, odds ratios (OR) were calculated to compare the prevalence of diabetes complications in white and other groups. Compared to white, the prevalence of hypertension and stroke in African Americans were higher, while the prevalence of heart attack and coronary heart disease were lower. The Asian Americans or Pacific Islanders, African Americans and Hispanics were more likely to develop retinopathy compared to white. The prevalence of hypertension, hypercholesterolemia, heart attack, coronary heart disease, Stroke in Native Americans and “other” group were not significantly different from the prevalence in white. Asian or Pacific Islanders were less likely to experience stroke.

This diploma thesis is focused on the analysis of the political communication of two politicians in the Czech Republic: from the "ANO 2011" was chosen Andrej Babiš, and for the "SPD" was chosen, Tomio Okamura. The communication of selected politicians was examined on the social network "Facebook", which is the most commonly used social network among Czech politicians. The above-mentioned politicians use the new internet platforms relatively more than other politicians. Therefore, the author of this diploma thesis assumes that there will be in their communication present some new forms of political communication. Based on the defined criteria, which arose from the theoretical part of the thesis, a detailed analysis of the political communication of both politicians is performed and then compared. The political communication was examined based on the content of posts, the sound of shared posts, the form of the communication, the relevance of the shared messages, and the argumentation strategy. The shared posts were also assessed whether they are populist and if there are elements of personalization in the communication of Andrej Babiš and Tomio Okamura. This work aims to find out whether the elements defined above are used in the Facebook communication of the above-mentioned politicians.

German-Russian relations have remained strong since the Cold War, despite continuing in traditions of multilateralism and integrated into the Western order. Despite recent tensions and deterioration since the Ukraine Crisis, German-Russian relations are a subject of intense debate between the political parties CDU/CSU and SPD that governed Germany in a coalition from 2014-2017. This thesis utilises a social constructivist method to focus on social factors and party-political legacies relevant in the evolving relationship. It then analyses the evolving discourse of the parties about Russia in the years 2014-2017, focusing on the different ways the discourse uses and connects with the factors and legacies. Although a parallel movement is discerned between the foreign policy positions of the CDU/CSU and SPD, the parties' positions do not converge but remain in conflict about the future of European security, cooperation with Russia and the desired foreign policy role of Germany. Throughout, the analysis suggests that contemporary theories about German-Russian relations and about Germany's foreign policy role should look at the internal debates and factors to get a more complete picture of German foreign policy. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

This paper examines the discourse among Czech political actors on George Soros, an American billionaire and philanthropist. The work is divided into two parts, one being theoretical and the second applied. The former defines the theoretical foundations of the study, which are then used to interpret the results of the quantitative content analysis. Given the main objective of this paper - to demonstrate that the discourse relating to the figure of George Soros is in line with the interpretation of the ​New Populism theory - the theoretical section introduces the concept of populism and its chief problematics, and subsequently describes the main characteristics of the theory of New Populism by the British political scientist, Paul Taggart. A theoretical dataset was constructed on the basis of this interpretation of populism, which is then used as a research framework for the practical analysis. The second part of this paper opens with a description of the research methodology. This includes an explanation of the process used to select research subjects, to compile the dataset (data collection methodology and definition of the time period), and to formulate the function and its variables. The next segment of the second part of this paper deals with George Soros himself, or more precisely, the wider...

This diploma thesis examines the suitability of generalization of the populist radical right parties (PRRP). In recent years, these parties have succeeded on the political scene of many European countries. Using the example of "new" Svoboda a přímá demokracie (SPD) political party and the established Danish People's Party (DF) it shows the differences in the party pre-election rhetoric and program, which are brought about by parties' age as well as by different historical developments in the respective countries. The historical context has affected contemporary political environment and, therefore, there are reasonable doubts about the generalization of the PRRPs. This is especially the case of post-communist countries, which, after years of oppression, had to go through a process of transformation that involved not only economic issues. This thesis is based on the Lipset's and Rokkan's cleavages theory, while it tries to confirm its existence in the given states, namely the economical, the religious, the center - periphery and the urban - rural cleavage. The inclusion of six tested factors in the analysis helps to do this. The multiple linear regression analysis tested which factors (the factors are socio-cultural, socio-economic, and demographic factors) have a statistically significant...