Masters of Commerce / Rwanda is characterised as a low-income country amongst the poorest on the African continent.Poverty in Rwanda has been persistent for a long period of time and it was made worse by the genocide that took place in 1994 and claimed over a million people. Although a variety of social policies, both home-grown and foreign, have been adopted since 1994 by the government of Rwanda to try and alleviate poverty, none has up to now succeeded to get rid of the povertyconflict trap, partly because they are all means tested. It should be noted here that Rwanda’s situation needs a universal approach in order to help ameliorate the current poverty level which is now at 60 percent, and the rising inequality. The researcher, when investigating a universal approach to use, suggested that a UIG could be the appropriate social policy option for Rwanda.Rwanda has set itself goals through its Vision 2020 and the EDPRS to have changed the country’s position by the year 2020 from being categorised as a low-income country into a middle-income country like South Africa. However, for this to be possible, economic growth must be robust. An annual growth rate of 7 percent needs to be maintained. It also means that the current per capita annual income of $290 needs to be increased to $900. The researcher concurs with these developmental goals but at the same time cautions policy makers that although growth is necessary, it should not crowd out redistributive justice.There seems to be a strong argument that development approaches which focus on income transfers are more prudent in attaining economic development and poverty reduction than those whose sole intention is to attain economic growth. Although policies that pursue economic growth usually lead to inequalities in the societies, governments should take it upon themselves to ensure that there are also counter measures that will reduce poverty at the same time.The researcher in this dissertation advocates for a universal income grant financed by an increase in indirect taxes supplemented by foreign aid as the best approach towards poverty alleviation in Rwanda. It must be noted that dependency on foreign aid is not sustainable in the long-term.There is a need to come up with measures of utilizing the already existing foreign aid in alleviating poverty and also to take care of future uncertainties when the foreign aid has been stopped.In order for Rwanda to break out of the poverty–conflict trap, it needs to adopt social policies that are geared towards alleviating poverty and assuring growth. A UIG was chosen as a social policy option that is capable of alleviating poverty.This research had three major aims. First of all it shows the possible impact of a universal income grant (UIG) in as far as the alleviation of poverty in Rwanda is concerned. Secondly it considers how a part of the existing foreign aid could be channelled into a UIG for all, with the funding effectively being recouped from those who do need support by an increase in the indirect taxes, e.g. in VAT. Thirdly develops a micro-simulation model which could show the impact of the combination of a UIG, partly being financed out of foreign aid and partly by the increases in indirect taxes, on poverty and income distribution in Rwanda. It is clear from the analysis that if the UIG is introduced in Rwanda it will have a multiplier effect when it develops social capital,stimulate aggregate spending, increase economic activity, bring investor confidence, promote economic growth and job creation and in the end alleviate poverty.

Orientador: Eduardo Fagnani / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T06:33:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andrietta_LucasSalvador_M.pdf: 2349695 bytes, checksum: aaf93430f6f7c5343598e19f8674c57b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: Os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores, nos últimos três mandatos, apoiaram-se sobre um discurso em que a dimensão social assumiu um papel central, o que foi corroborado por uma inflexão real de alguns indicadores macroeconômicos, do mercado de trabalho e do resultado de algumas políticas públicas. O objetivo desta dissertação é demonstrar que, apesar disso, o sistema previdenciário brasileiro tem passado por um processo de mercantilização. A desestruturação das bases institucionais da previdência pública, cujos princípios estão esboçados na Constituição de 1988, tem provocado grandes mudanças em suas regras de acesso e em seu padrão de financiamento. Simultaneamente, o fenômeno da previdência complementar, especialmente em sua modalidade aberta, tem se expandido de maneira acentuada. No primeiro capítulo, buscamos qualificar o que se entende por mercantilização da previdência brasileira, a partir de uma perspectiva mais longa sobre a evolução dos sistemas de proteção social; dos dados disponíveis sobre o sistema previdenciário brasileiro; e dos dados sobre a população brasileira. O segundo capítulo tem por objetivo demonstrar como foi possível, do ponto de vista formal, chegar a uma definição constitucional de seguridade social inclusiva e abrangente em 1988, aparentemente "na contra-mão do mundo". O terceiro capítulo mapeia os interesses sobre a questão previdenciária desde o governo Collor até o período recente, para mostrar como foram articuladas e viabilizadas as várias reformas e entraves à realização daquele projeto. Conclui-se que o processo de mercantilização do sistema previdenciário brasileiro não foi revertido e, pelo contrário, aprofundou-se nos últimos anos / Abstract: The last three presidential terms of the Workers Party (PT) were based on a platform within which the social dimension plays a key role. This was supported by an actual turn around of some macroeconomic indicators, the labor market dynamics and results achieved by some public policies. The purpose of this dissertation is to demonstrate that, despite of this inflection, the Brazilian welfare system is suffering a continuous process of commodification. The dismantling of public welfare institutional foundations ¿ whose principles are outlined by the 1988 Federal Constitution ¿ produced wide changes in the access rules and funding pattern. Simultaneously, supplementary pension plans, especially in the open market form, has expanded markedly. The first chapter clarifies what is meant by welfare commodification in Brazil: from a broader perspective on the evolution of modern social protection systems; from the available welfare system data; and from populational data. The second chapter explains how has it been possible to achieve, in formal terms, an extensive and inclusive definition of social security in 1988, apparently in the opposite direction of the rest of the world. The third chapter maps the interests on the welfare issue since Collor administration to date, examining how were reforms articulated and enabled, preventing the former social security project to be fully implemented. This work concludes the welfare commodification process was not reversed and, instead, it has deepened recently / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

Bibliography: pages 88-95. / The aim of the investigation is to assess the extent to which various initiatives aimed at improving the status of a technical subject like Home Economics (H/E), have helped to transform the attitudes and perceptions of teachers and students in a school in Zimbabwe. The study was carried out at Rusununguko Secondary School in Zimbabwe, where H/E was one of the technical subjects within a curriculum mainly dominated by academic subjects. Students and teachers' attitudes and perceptions towards H/E were assessed along the following dimensions: 1. The extent to which H/E is subjected to gender stereotyping; 2. The extent to which H/E is viewed as suitable for slow learners and low-achieving students; 3. The extent to which the subject suffers from subject choice constraints; 4. The extent to which H/E is viewed in terms of low academic and occupational expectations; 5. The extent to which the subject is perceived as offering low-status knowledge when compared to other subjects.

This thesis aims to clarify how the Single market policy and the Social policy of the European Union has changed since the Treaty of Rome (1957) and what opportunities and/or constraints there might be for integrating gender mainstreaming within the policies.  In order to determine how the policy development affects the prospects of integrating gender mainstreaming, a case study supplemented with the method of content analysis is carried out. Furthermore, the thesis adopts a historical institutionalist perspective. Thereby, policy change is operationalised with the help of Peter Hall ́s theory of the three orders of change. It is therefore assumed that the concept of path dependency will explain how policy changes opens up opportunities for or constrain the integration of gender mainstreaming in the policy-making process.  The main findings show that the Single market policy mostly changed in accordance with the first order of change and that the Social policy mostly changed in accordance with the second order of change. These findings imply that a paradigm shift of the fundamental ideas and objectives of the policies have not occurred since the signing of the Treaty of Rome which complicates future integration of gender mainstreaming in the policies.

Notre thèse entend contribuer aux recherches scientifiques portant sur l’immigration Sud-Sud qui ont fait l’objet de peu d’études, en prenant le cas de l’un des rares pays au monde (les Emirats Arabes Unis) où les immigrés sont majoritaires (plus de 85% de la population totale). L’objectif étant de fournir des éléments de réflexions aux débats théoriques relatifs aux liens intrinsèques entre citoyenneté, immigration et politique sociale, en examinant les problématiques suivantes : les élites politiques émiraties s’appuient-elles sur des conceptions préalables de la citoyenneté lors de l’élaboration des politiques sociales ? Les politiques sociales visent-elles à intégrer les immigrés dans la communauté politique? Comment expliquer la différence dans les droits sociaux octroyés aux citoyens et aux immigrés ?Datant de l’indépendance en 1971 et de l’établissement du système fédéral composé de sept émirats (1973), la citoyenneté émiratie a un passé assez récent et doit toujours surmonter les sentiments d’appartenances tribales déterminantes des structures réelles du pouvoir et du statut social. A l’instar des autres pays du Golfe, les E.A.U établissent une distinction légale et nette entre citoyens de souche et citoyens naturalisés dont le statut peut être transmis aux enfants, une distinction reflétant les craintes des dirigeants de perdre l’identité du pays. De ce fait, la citoyenneté aux E.A.U n’a pas la même conception occidentale avec ses dimensions égalitaire et participative, étant donné que les populations immigrées n’ont pas de droits politiques et un large accès aux droits et privilèges sociaux contrairement aux nationaux. / Our thesis aims to contribute to the scientific research on South-South immigration which has been the subject of few studies, taking the case of one of the few countries in the world (the United Arab Emirates) where immigrants are a minority (Over 85% of the population). The objectif is to provide reflection on the theoretical debates about the intrinsic links between citizenship, immigration and social policy, by examining the following issues: do the political elites in the UAE rely on prior conceptions of citizenship during social policies processus? Social policies aim the integration of immigrants into the political community? How can we explain the difference in social rights granted to citizens and immigrants?Dating from independence in 1971 and the establishment of the federal system including seven emirates (1973), UAE citizenship has a relatively recent past and must always overcome the tribal feelings that determine the real structures of power and social status. Like other Gulf countries, the UAE draws a legal and clear distinction between ethnic citizens and naturalized citizens whose status can be passed to children, a distinction reflecting the leaders fears of losing the identity of the country. As a result, citizenship in the EA.U doesn’t have the same Western understanding with its egalitarian and participatory dimensions, given that immigrant populations don’t have political rights and a broad access to social rights and privileges unlike nationals.

This thesis deals with topic of health care and social support in Carpathian Ruthenia in the 1920s. In addition to describing the development of the area, the work emphasizes the social aspects of the local population, which had a significant influence on their poor health. It also includes a part describing the activities of the non-governmental organizations active in the region, with the biggest attention dedicated to the largest organization, the Czechoslovak Red Cross. The thesis also brings personal impressions of Czechoslovaks working in Carpathian Ruthenia, whether in administration, in hospital facilities or on research trips. The final chapter provides a reflection of authors of another provenience - Ukrainian/Ruthenian, Soviet and Hungarian. Keywords: health care, social policy, Carpathian Ruthenia, poverty, hygiene, infection, underdevelopment, Carpatho-Rusyns, the First republic, journalism

After release, 5 in 6 prisoners are rearrested within 9 years. A growing emphasis is on the importance of healthy family relationships in reducing recidivism and only a handful of studies have provided information on relationship education (RE) for incarcerated individuals. This study adds to this emerging effort and examines the pre/posttest results of a RE program, using a sample of 727 incarcerated adults. We find significant improvements in individual well-being (anxiety and depression) and couple functioning. Further, we find greater change in the individual domain for those in a relationship compared to those who were not.

Historically, child abuse and neglect (CAN) prevention efforts have focused on individuals and families, with disregard for the contexts and conditions that may underlie family challenges. There is increased recognition that efforts to support families and children must include focus on the societal level (Browne, 2014), yet few studies have examined how institutional processes influence community-based CAN prevention services. I utilized institutional ethnography to identify institutional factors that impact family well-being and CAN prevention work in Alabama. I relied on three primary forms of data: 1) focus group discussions; 2) interview discussions; and 3) analysis of key documents. Preliminary analysis indicates prevention work is diverse and occurs within a system of limited institutional and public support. I will discuss the specific institutional factors that influence child and abuse prevention work in Alabama and close with a discussion of how institutional ethnography can be used to strengthen family research and policy.

The master's thesis deals with the Social Policy of the European Union, its development and current trends. Approaching the process the Social policy at the European level has undergone such directions managed its integration, and what has remained the exclusive competence of the individual Member States. The aim of the paper is a summary of developments up to the present, whether the European Union is to acquire competence in this field, which belonged for a long time largely outside the integration process. The second objective is to analyze whether the European Union sets achievable goals in the field of Social Policy. The analysis is primarily focused on the two most recent strategies, namely the Lisbon Strategy (from 2000 - 2010) and the current strategy Europe 2020 (term 2010 - 2020). These particular cases were selected because European Union has set clear objectives for which it is easy to point out whether they were accomplished or not. The results of the analysis is that the EU has done in the Social Policy field a great achievements, but often sets very ambitious goals, which is not currently able to provide. Social policy has remained in the control of national states, but the Commission has managed, at least partly, to coordinate the processes and practices that each Member State has...

The aim of the thesis is to compare the system of social services in the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic. The author's purpose is to focus on ongoing reforms of both systems and to analyze how successful they are in achieving their targets. These targets come from current trends in the field of social services and are also incorporated in the documents of the European Union. The thesis consists of two parts. The first contains an analysis of the legislation of social services in the Czech Republic and the Slovakia - author analyzes the historical evolution in their legislation and the content of their current laws. The second part of the thesis contains the comparison of the Czech and the Slovak system of social services. Therefore, the main research method used in this work is the method of comparative analysis. The work finds out that Czech and Slovak enactments of social services have some common features. It is obvious that they are based on the common ground. They bring new precautions which should lead into an increase in quality of social services. These precautions can be mainly seen as positive, despite the fact that they have a few shortcomings. But the systems of social services have still lot of serious weak points. The economic inefficiency seems to be the main problem of the...