The dissertation takes the modern business technique/concept of brands and branding, applies them to a historic case study, the creation by James VI and I of Great Britain from 1603 to 1625, and by doing so throws new light on both. It compares two distinct approaches to branding, unidirectional and social interactionist, postulating that the latter would prove better at explaining the success of the brand Great Britain/British. The case study reveals that neither approach is supported by the evidence. Content analysis shows that there was a lack of awareness of the brand Great Britain/British and an inconsistency in its use, hence neither approach can be sustained. However, the same analysis does show that an alternative brand, England/English, existed in the same time and that this brand provides some limited support for the social interactionist view of brands and branding. The lack of success of the brand Great Britain/British during his reign does not appear to have prevented James VI and I from establishing himself as the legitimate King of England in addition to Scotland although the contribution of the brand to this was marginal at best.

Local procurement by public bodies is one type of Short Food Supply Chain (SFSC), which have been argued to contribute to economic regeneration and local sustainable development. In the current UK policy environment, quantifying actual local economic gains could add much-needed weight to arguments in favour of local procurement in the NHS and other public bodies. To aid such quantification, this paper exemplifies and evaluates the use of a ¿quick and simple¿ tool called LM3, designed to measure the local economic benefit of initiatives like SFSCs. LM3 is calculated for the Cornwall Food Programme (CPF), a localised procurement initiative. The findings confirm that the CPF has a considerable impact on the local economy. Notwithstanding this conclusion, difficulties in data collection combined with inaccuracies inherent to the LM3 process created a large margin of error in the findings. Moreover, a qualitative evaluation of the CPF added a valuable understanding of the wider economic impact of the CFP. The use of an even simpler and more reliable ¿LM2¿ multiplier tool is recommended for future studies, accompanied by some qualitative evaluation to create a fuller picture of local economic impacts.

Surveillance on the Internet today extends beyond collecting intelligence at the layer of the Web: major telecommunications companies use technologies to monitor, mediate, and modify data traffic in real time. Such companies functionally represent communicative bottlenecks through which online actions must pass before reaching the global Internet and are thus perfectly positioned to develop rich profiles of their subscribers and modify what they read, do, or say online. And some companies have sought to do just that. A key technology, deep packet inspection (DPI), facilitates such practices. In the course of evaluating the practices, regulations, and politics that have driven DPI in Canada, the US, and UK it has become evident that the adoption of DPI tends to be dependent on socio-political and economic conditions. Simply put, market or governmental demand is often a prerequisite for the technology’s adoption by ISPs. However, the existence of such demand is no indication of the success of such technologies; regulatory or political advocacy can lead to the restriction or ejection of particular DPI-related practices. The dissertation proceeds by first outlining how DPI functions and then what has driven its adoption in Canada, the US, and UK. Three conceptual frameworks, path dependency, international governance, and domestic framing, are used to explain whether power structures embedded into technological systems themselves, international standards bodies, or domestic politics are principally responsible for the adoption or resistance to the technology in each nation. After exploring how DPI has arisen as an issue in the respective states I argue that though domestic conditions have principally driven DPI’s adoption, and though the domestic methods of governing DPI and its associated practices have varied across cases, the outcomes of such governance are often quite similar. More broadly, I argue that while the technology and its associated practices constitute surveillance and can infringe upon individuals’ privacy, the debates around DPI must more expansively consider how DPI raises existential risks to deliberative democratic states. I conclude by offering some suggestions on defraying the risks DPI poses to such states. / Graduate / 0615 / 0708 / christopher@christopher-parsons.com

The implications of introducing shift work and flexible working hours into the UK clothing industry were examined, with special reference to the effects on personnel, plant utilisation and garment costs. A total of 37 garment manufacturing establishments, within 17 companies, were visited; 91 managers (for production and economic data)and 1018 supervisors and operatives, 87% female and 13% male, (for social data) were consulted. The main points arising from the survey are:- 1 . Social (i) The average age and length of service of respondents were respectively 30.4 and 7.1 for women and 40 and 13.9 for men. Nearly three fifths were married and over half of the women had children, most of them at school or pre-school stage. (ii) Over four fifths were committed to some kind of housework; 3 to 5 hours between 17.00 and 24.00 hours were usually spent on this task but about 9% spent more than 5 hours on it. (iii) Over half would be very much bothered by the inability to carry on their individual and/or group social activities. About two thirds would also be concerned by a change in the period of and time for sleep and meal times. Nearly two fifths used public transport for the journey to work. (iv) Only 15% had worked on multiple shifts previous to their present employment and 16% left their previous job because of being on shifts or unsuitable hours. About one fifth worked currently part-time and only 13% wanted to change their existing working system so that they might gain extra convenience and leisure in their working life. (v) The unsolicited personal choice of working systems were mainly shifts (13%), flexible working hours (14%) and part-time day work (30%); working only in school hours appeared to attract the choice of about 40% of the women. (vi) From the points above, it seemed that a high proportion of married female workers, mostly with dependent children and committed to housework, would probably react against shift work. The availability of part-time work together with the normal day work habit acquired would also affect the employees' attitudes towards the acceptance of even flexible working hours. 2. Production (i) The main problems involved with introducing shift work were considered to be sharing of equipment, bonus and piece rate payment and responsibility for quality failures. Dislike of sharing machines by operatives was considered to be a severe problem in sewing section and the extent of this dislike seemed higher in traditional rather than non traditional clothing areas; the operatives' age and length of service appeared to affect their attitudes. The smaller the period of time for each job then the less the problem of sharing payment and responsibility could become. (ii) Introduction of flexible working hours could create the difficulties of shortage and/or excess of supply of work within the production flow with interdependent operations; the extent of the problem could vary with the amount of work in progress and the period of time spent by each operative on the garment and/or its parts. Economic (i) Garment cost elements are material, labour, variable and fixed overheads (survey averages 50.6%, 24.9%, 8% and 16.5%), of which labour and variable overheads would be affected by introducing multiple shifts and only fixed overheads by flexible working hours. There should be a decrease in variable overheads per garment because of sharing a fixed amount of cost between shifts, an increase in labour cost due to shift premium and an increase in fixed overheads because of longer opening hours of the plant on flexible working hours. (ii) The capital employed on plant and machinery, C, could often be divided by the number of shifts so that this could help to increase profitability by a factor of 2 or 3. (iii) General formulae were established, using the most relevant variables, for calculating the profitability and profitability ratios of different working schemes. Generally, if the number of shifts are increased then the profitability of the plant could be very greatly increased. This was well illustrated from the calculated profitability ratios of about 2 and 3 respectively, when industrial survey values were used, for 2 and 3 shift systems replacing a single shift system. Profitability of flexible working hours would, theoretically, be less than that of single shift, but there might be some economic gains, such as reduced rates of labour turnover and absenteeism (which are currently high in the garment industry), arising from the introduction of flexible working hours.

Die reg tot 'n vrye en regverdige verhoor is een van die mees gevestigde internasionale fundamentele regte.1 Die reg om verhoor te word deur 'n onafhanklike en onpartydige hof of tribunaal vorm deel van die reg tot 'n vrye en regverdige verhoor. Beide Suid-Afrika en Groot Brittanje erken hierdie reg as 'n fundamentele reg. Alhoewel dit duidelik is dat hierdie reg afdwingbaar is in die gewone howe van state wat die relevante konvensies geratifiseer het, bly die vraag steeds tot watter mate die reg tot 'n onafhanklike en onpartydige tribunaal toepassing vind in internasionale kommersiele arbitrasie verrigtinge. Verder is die vraag hoe die toepassing daarvan vergelyk met die toepassing van die reg in die gewone howe. Is dit dus moontlik om te se dat dieselfde toets wat in die gewone howe gebruik word om die onpartydigheid en onafhanklikheid van 'n voorsittende beampte te bepaal, ook gebruik word om die onpartydigheid en onafhanklikheid van 'n arbiter te bepaal? In die nasionale sfeer verwys onafhanklikheid na twee onderskeibare konsepte. Eerstens verwys dit na die onafhanklikheid van die regsprekendegesag met betrekking tot die wetgewende- en uitvoeren-degesag soos vervat in die leerstuk van die skeiding van magte. Tweedens verwys dit na die persoonlike onafhanklikheid van 'n voorsittende beampte. In internasionale kommersiele arbitrasie is slegs die tweede konsep van toepassing. Internasionale kommersiele arbitrasie funksioneer normaalweg onafhanklik van enige regerings-instelling. Slegs die persoonlike onafhanklikheid en onpartydigheid van die arbiter is dus van belang. Wanneer die toetse, om die persoonlike onpartydigheid en onafhanklikheid van regters en arbiters te bepaal, met mekaar vergelyk word, is daar drie verskillende toetse wat van belang is. Sover dit menseregte op 'n intemasionale vlak betref, pas die Europese Hof vir Menseregte die geregverdigde twyfel (legitimate doubt) toets toe. Die arbitrasie instellings wat ingesluit is in hierdie verhandeling2 pas die regverdigbare twyfel Qustifiable doubt) toets toe. Op nasionale vlak pas beide Suid-Afrika en Groot Brittanje die redelike vrees van vooroordeel (reasonable apprehension of bias) toets toe. Die gevolgtrekking word gemaak dat die toetse vir onpartydigheid en onanhanklikheid wat toegepas word in die nasionale howe van Suid-Afrika en Groot Brittanje, die toetse wat op intemasionale vlak toegepas word in die Europese Hof vir Menseregte en die toetse wat toegepas word deur die onafhanklike intemasionale arbitrasie instellings wat in die verhandeling bestudeer is, tot dieselfde resultaat lei. Gevolglik sal arbitrasie verrigtinge wat in Suid-Afrika die toets van onafhanklikheid en onpartydigheid slaag in alle waarskynlikheid ook die toets in Engeland slaag. Net so sal arbitrasie verrigtinge wat plaasvind in terme van die belangrikse arbitrasie tribunale en arbitrasie reels, synde UNCITRAL, die ICC, die LCIA, die AAA en die ICSID, ook na alle waarskynlikheid die toets van onafhanklikheid en onpartydigheid van arbiters in beide Suid-Afrika en Engeland slaag indien die toets wat toegepas word deur hierdie reels en instansies dieselfde is as die toets wat in Suid-Afrika en Engeland toegepas word. / Thesis (LL.M.)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2008.

Australia and the UK are both prominent economies in the international arena and share a strong trade and investment relationship. Interestingly, the UK while being a significant destination for Australian exports is an even more significant destination for Australian direct investment, a case anomalous to international trends. Analysis of this case elicits the question as to what factors differentiate between the firms that export and those that FDI. It is imperative to understand the differentiating factors between exports and direct investment as market entry decisions are decisive to the success of firms in international markets. A number of theories of international market entry have developed over the last quarter century, the ownership, location, and internationalisation model (OLI) is used in this study. The importance of the variables developed in this model are identified, and assessed as to their relevance to entry of Australian firms into the UK market through FDI or Exports. Qualitative information is used to support initial quantitative profiling. Results of the investigation indicate that while some variables were at times decisive, they were not predictive at all in other situations. The full interaction of the variables in the model was therefore concluded to be essential to fully differentiate between exports and FDI in all cases.

Thesis (J.S.D.)--University of Illinois, 1956. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [325]-329) and index.

Thesis (J.S.D.)--University of Illinois, 1956. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [325]-329) and index.

This essay deals with the concept of national identity and the ways by which it is constructed at the time of a political decision. By analysing the opinion pages of some of the United Kingdom’s leading newspapers, the aim of this essay is to understand the different types of narratives of the British national identity that were most prominent during the time before the referendum on Britain’s membership in the EU. Essentially, the goal of the essay is to answer the question of what it meant to be British during the time of Brexit. The research in this essay shows that there were certain differences in the narratives presented by the Brexiteers and the Remainers, but also similarities in core values and to some extent the symbols and references used to argue their respective cause. The most divisive subject is shown to be the notion of the United Kingdom as a multicultural nation or not. Further interdisciplinary research is advised in order to gain a fuller, and more dynamic, understanding of the British national identity.

Submitted by Noeme Timbo (noeme.timbo@metodista.br) on 2018-03-19T18:00:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Elcio Mendonca.pdf: 11467669 bytes, checksum: b8abc5621c00adfdcfdd62778b689780 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-19T18:00:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Elcio Mendonca.pdf: 11467669 bytes, checksum: b8abc5621c00adfdcfdd62778b689780 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-06-09 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo - FAPESP / This research aims to analyze the Omride Dynasty as the founder of the first independent state of Israel in the ninth century BCE. This was the only time in history that Israel rules completely independently. Instead of being dominated, it was Israel who dominated. The kings of the Omride Dynasty expanded their territory, reaching the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, southern Syria, Transjordan and dominating over Judah. The founding of Samaria by Omri was the beginning of the first Israelite state. Omri built the city and made great works by uniting various architectural aspects and innovating with others, in a way that formed an architectural model for all buildings omridas by the vast territory. Northern Israel has all the characteristics of a developed state, according to the theories of the establishment of the states of Childe and Liverani. Sumptuous palaces, public and administrative buildings, specialized labor, collection of taxes, temples, surplus production, industries, body of scribes and developed writing. Judah had none of this, on the contrary, during the ninth century BCE, was small and without resources. Judah only becomes a developed state in the eighth century BCE, after Israel North was undone by the Assyrians. But despite all this, the Omride Dynasty is seen with the worst, most sinful and most perverse of all, its kings, especially Omri and Ahab, are evaluated in the biblical narratives, as the worst kings of Israel. This is because the history of Israel as we have it in the Bible was edited and compiled by Judah, when Northern Israel was destroyed, this favored Judah in biblical history. This research intends to do the opposite way, understanding the history of Israel from Northern Israel. And for that, the method used will be the exegetical analysis and the analysis of the archaeological findings. Exegesis with archeology to unravel the history of northern Israel from the ninth century BCE, which was not told in the biblical texts. For this, study visits were carried out in almost all the sites analyzed in this research (sites of Israel, Palestine and Jordan), excavations were also carried out at the archaeological site of Tel Megiddo (2016), with archaeologist Israel Finkelstein, one of the references of this search. As for the results, Israel North was in fact the first Israeli state, and the only one in all of Israel's history to exist and govern independently. The vast territory dominated by the Omride Dynasty is practically the same as the United Monarchy of David and Solomon. There is a strong possibility that the idea of the United Monarchy came from the memories of a powerful, prosperous and extensive kingdom that ruled North and South, Transjordan, and reached Syria, which had strong trade links with the Phoenician. At last, the only kingdom that did all this, was the one of the omrida dynasty. / Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar a dinastia omrida como a fundadora do primeiro Estado independente de Israel, no séc. IX AEC. Este foi o único momento da história que Israel governa de modo totalmente independente. Ao invés de ser dominado era Israel quem dominava. A dinastia dos reis omridas expandiu seu território alcançando a costa do mar Mediterrâneo, o sul da Síria, a Transjordânia e dominando sobre Judá. A fundação de Samaria por Omri foi o início do primeiro estado israelita. Omri edificou a cidade e realizou grandes obras unindo vários aspectos arquitetônicos existentes e inovando com outros, de forma que formou um modelo arquitetônico para todas as construções omridas pelo vasto território. Israel Norte possui todas as características de um estado desenvolvido, conforme as teorias de formação dos estados de Childe e Liverani. Palácios suntuosos, edifícios públicos e administrativos, mão-de-obra especializada, cobrança de tributos, templos, produção excedente, indústrias, corpo de escribas e escrita desenvolvida. Judá não possuía nada disso, ao contrário, durante o séc. IX AEC era pequeno e sem recursos. Judá se tornou um estado desenvolvido somente no séc. VIII AEC, depois que Israel Norte foi destruído pelos assírios. Mas apesar de tudo isso, a dinastia omrida é vista com a pior, mais pecadora e mais perversa de todas, seus reis, principalmente, Omri e Acab são avaliados nas narrativas bíblicas como os piores reis de Israel. Isso porque a história de Israel como a temos na Bíblia, foi editada e compilada por Judá, quando Israel Norte já não existia, isto favoreceu Judá na história bíblica. Esta pesquisa pretende fazer o caminho inverso, entender a história de Israel a partir de Israel Norte. E para isso, o método utilizado será a análise exegética e a análise dos achados arqueológicos. A exegese com a arqueologia para desvendar a história de Israel Norte do séc. IX AEC, que não foi registrada nos textos bíblicos. Para isso, foram realizadas visitas de estudo em quase todos os sítios analisados nesta pesquisa (sítios de Israel, Palestina e Jordânia), também foram realizadas escavações no sítio arqueológico de Tel Megiddo (2016), com o arqueólogo Israel Finkelstein, um dos referenciais desta pesquisa. Quanto aos resultados, Israel Norte, no período da dinastia omrida, de fato foi o primeiro estado israelita e o único de toda a história de Israel a existir e governar de forma independente. O vasto território dominado pela dinastia omrida é praticamente o mesmo da Monarquia Unida de Davi e Salomão. Há grande possibilidade de que a ideia de Monarquia Unida tenha vindo das memórias de um reino poderoso, próspero e extenso que governou o Norte e o Sul, a Transjordânia e chegou até a Síria, que tinha fortes ligações comerciais com a Fenícia. Enfim, o único reino que fez tudo isso foi o da dinastia omrida.