No / The paper examines the existing quasi-legal means by which international labour standards may be protected. The paper considers the nature of the challenge that global capital creates for labour, the development of the ILO’s labour standards and the consequences of its shift towards promotional principles, the growth of corporate voluntary initiatives by multinational corporations and finally the associated debates around the inclusion of social clauses in trade agreements. The analysis suggests that the ILO’s shift to ‘promotional principles’ and the formal acceptance of voluntary self-regulation from the late-1990s has not significantly improved the situation for workers, but was a pragmatic response driven in part by US policy and the increasing marginalization of the ILO within the global system of economic governance. It is argued that even if the many political obstacles could be overcome, the result of including social clauses in WTO trade agreements may not be straightforward. In conclusion it is argued that in some respects the existing system has ‘privatised’ labour rights.

摘 要 「世界貿易組織」（World Trade Organization，以下簡稱WTO）爭端解決下之貿易制裁，對於確保其任務之達成，扮演著十分重要的角色。惟自WTO成立後至今的數年間，所出現之「爭端解決機構」（The Dispute Settlement Body）授權貿易制裁之實例，透露了本機制之引發之問題，例如除了被制裁國強力反彈外，採取制裁措施之國自身也倍嚐其苦。針對上述問題，不論是學界或WTO會員國均有一些檢討改革的方案。 上述改革方案包括倡議以其他手段完全取代現行「爭端解決程序與規則瞭解書」（Understanding on Rules and Procedures Governing the Settlement of Disputes，以下簡稱DSU）之貿易制裁者，經過本文之分析，發現此等手段縱然取代DSU之貿易制裁，仍無法解決問題，蓋彼等或不具可行性、或有強制執行之困難。 鑑於貿易制裁對WTO規範遵循之確保，目前無可取代，故本文肯定其繼續存在之必要，同時強調貿易制裁之法制化並無礙WTO協定整體架構之邏輯一貫性。此外，法制化的結果，不但可確保貿易制裁受到監督，降低濫用的空間，更可藉由內建之定期檢討與修正，促使授權貿易制裁得以持續獲得改善，將負面影響降到最低。 / The authorization of trade sanction, which secures the objectives of the World Trade Organization (hereinafter the “WTO”) to be achieved, plays a very important role in WTO dispute settlement mechanism. However, since the establishment of the WTO, the DSB authorization of trade sanctions in some cases has revealed some problems. In some instances, the exercise of the trade sanctions triggers counter-measures of the respondent member, while in others, the complaint member also suffers for the trade sanction it imposes as authorized. In response to the aforementioned problems, commentators as well as WTO members have proposed some ideas of reform. The reform proposals include replacing the WTO trade sanctions with alternative measures. Nevertheless, after careful analyses of these proposals for alternatives, it is found in this thesis that the replacement of the WTO trade sanctions cannot resolve the aforementioned problems, in the sense that those alternatives suggested are not feasible or lack of ways to enforce them. In light of the fact that currently no feasible alternative can have the function as trade sanction has in assuring the compliance of the WTO rules, this thesis argues that it needs to be preserved. Besides, this thesis believes that it does not cause any conflict in the current WTO legal framework. To preserve it under the WTO framework, the abuse can be avoided through the surveillance of the DSB. Moreover, the built-in review mechanism, which will continue reform trade sanction measures, can minimize their negative effects.

This dissertation examines the tension inherent in the relationship between the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) as Member States Parties of the GATT/WTO and the GATT/WTO regime. It focuses specifically on the tension triggered off by the requirements of Article I – the Most-Favoured-Nation principle (MFN) and Article III – the National Treatment principle (NT) GATT 1994. It shows that while the non-discrimination principles are meant to promote trade liberalisation and economic growth, they produce the opposite effect in developing and least developed countries like ECOWAS and aggravate the tension between those countries and the WTO. It argues that the MFN is used to deny market access to the developing countries by exposing them to stiff but unequal competitive conditions and the NT to deny national governments the policy space to protect and promote national industries, employment and economic growth. It challenges the general assumption that the MFN and the NT are good and in the interest of all the WTO Members and rather identifies them as lynch-pins of economic development in the ECOWAS region. It also shows, contrary to the assumption of non-participation, how the ECOWAS High Contracting Parties are adapting their trading systems and harmonising their laws to the key provisions of Articles I and III of the GATT. It shows that the principles of non-discrimination are the outcome of the standard-setting procedures legally formulated as the SPS and TBT Agreements which favour the developed countries and how the Dispute Settlement Body has rejected the ‘aims-and-effect’ approach, taken a literal approach, overly emphasising trade liberalisation to the neglect of market access and economic development. This dissertation concludes that it is pre-mature for ECOWAS to assume Articles I and III obligations and recommends using the provisions of Article XXIV to build up effective influence through regional organisations and incrementally uniting to transform the GATT.

Min utgångshypotes var att en minskad köttkonsumtion ger en minskad boskapsuppfödning. En boskapsuppfödning som idag tar i anspråk ca 70 procent av all jordbruksmark och 40 procent av den globala spannmålsproduktionen. Tanken var att en minskad boskapsuppfödning skulle bidra till en ökad tillgång på spannmål för människor och därmed en minskad svält. Men sambandet mellan svält och jordens resurser var inte så enkelt som jag hade förespeglat mig. Maktkoncentrationen som återfinns i matens distributionsled visade sig ha satt spelreglerna om tillgång och efterfrågan mer eller mindre ur spel. En ökad tillgång på mat genom en minskad köttkonsumtion och bättre resurshantering verkar därför inte påverka fattigdom och svält nämnvärt. Den nuvarande världshandeln visade sig också vara en bidragande orsak till fattigdom och svält då mat från nord, producerad med hjälp av statliga subventioner, konkurrerar ut lokalproducenter i syd. Den avgörande faktorn tycks vara människors tillgång på pengar. Inga pengar, ingen mat oavsett om maten finns i överflöd eller inte. Mina efterforskningar tyder på att de viktigaste faktorerna för att minska världssvälten är en förändring av den globala handeln för att därigenom öka de utsattas tillgång på kapital och självförsörjningsgrad samt en diskussion om vilket politiskt och ekonomiskt system som krävs för det.

I propose a simple approach to trade cooperation in economic shocks. A two-country, two-good trade model provides a stage setting. In a dynamic model, international demand for traded goods is allowed to be subject to sudden shocks. Numerical simulations predict that negative, sustained demand shocks may spark trade wars. Negative demand shocks that are short relative to the period it takes for governments to detect violations render instead incentives in free trade agreements more robust. I find that the multilateral policy response to the 2008 crisis - to temporarily enhance multilateral information mechanisms - may have worked to strengthen this effect. / I den här uppsatsen analyseras incitament i handelsavtal under ekonomiska chocker utifrån grundläggande spelteori. Jag finner att långa lågkonjunkturer påverkar incitamenten på ett sätt som kan få parterna att frångå avtalet och starta ett tullkrig. Korta lågkonjunkturer stärker i stället incitamenten i avtalet. Jag argumenterar för att brytpunkten mellan en tullkrigsutlösande lågkonjunktur och en incitamentstärkande lågkonjunktur kan regleras genom att tillfälligt stärka informationsmekanismerna kring avtalet och att de multilaterala åtgärderna i krisens spår kan ha haft den effekten.

A debate over environmental policies and trade competitiveness, “Do environmental policies really matter to impact trade competitiveness?” still exists during the past decade. The thesis aims at investigating the impact of WTO-EU environmental policies for the international olive oil market on production and export competitiveness of developing countries. In particular, we focus our analysis on the agro-industrial sector in the Arab countries, and we take specific reference to the case of the olive oil agro-industrial sector in Syria. In the frame of a partial equilibrium trade model, we incorporate the “end-of-the-pipe” environmental policies which in turn enhance the productivity of the polluting input. Moreover, a part of the burden of environmental compliance may be shifted onto foreign consumers. The most novel part of our model consists of the augmented effect of compliance with environmental policies, which includes not only the standard impact on the effective product price, but also on the input shadow price. The empirical findings, based on Syrian data, provide strong support to the Porter Hypothesis and its application to international markets for agro-industrial products. Accordingly, the study disproves the legitimacy of concerns that stricter environmental policies in developing economies may have negative impacts on their production and export competitiveness. In contrast, our results show that compliance with environmental policies under the large country assumption has positive effects on their international competitiveness of environmentally sensitive sectors, in particular. Therefore, the policy implications suggest the implementation of strict environmental regulatory policies supporting environmentally sound technologies.

Univ., Diss.--Fribourg, 1997.

Diss. Univ. Bern, 1999. / Literaturverz.

Zugleich: Universität Bern, Diss. 2006. / En librairie: Aachen : Shaker. Bibliogr.

出口稅是政府對於出口產品於通關時所徵收的關稅，屬於一種出口限制。由於世界貿易組織（World Trade Organization, WTO）一直以來著重於解決進口關稅造成的貿易障礙，出口稅在 WTO 下尚未有明文規範，開發中國家故將其視為一種合法貿易政策工具。出口稅不僅可增加政府稅收，供應大國使用出口稅亦可引導出口原料內銷，使國內原料價格降低，造成變相補貼國內加工業者之效果，供應大國便可以出口成本較低廉的加工產品；相對地出口原料降低造成原料之國際價格提升，便會影響其他國家加工業者之權益。在進口關稅及數量限制於關稅暨貿易總協定（General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, GATT）中已有所管制的情況下，進口國家開始憂心出口稅使用擴散、影響更多原料供給，故於杜哈回合之討論及 WTO 爭端解決皆引發相關爭議，惟皆未得到進一步管制出口稅之結果。本文參考杜哈回合提案及雙邊貿易談判下之成果，提出於 WTO 下以關稅減讓談判之規範模式，搭配其他考量因素，作為 WTO 下解決出口稅問題之建議。 / The export tax is the custom duty on the exports. It’s a kind of export restrictions as well. As the World Trade Organization (WTO) has always focused on the trade barriers caused by the import tariffs, the export tax has not yet been clearly defined in the WTO. The developing countries regard it as a legitimate trade policy tool. The export tax can not only increase the government revenue, for major suppliers, the export tax can also guide the exports to be sold domestically, so that it can make the domestic supply increase and the internal price decrease, resulting in a disguised subsidy to the domestic consumers. If the export tax is imposed on the raw materials, major suppliers can export cheaper processing products, getting a better competitive advantage. However, it will also affect the interests of the processing industries in the other countries. Therefore, importing countries begin to worry about the use of export taxes.Through different rounds of discussion and the related dispute settlement under the WTO, the controversy over the export tax have not been further tackled. Based on the related proposal in the Doha round and the related regulations of the bilateral trade agreements, this article would put forward the method of the tariff reduction negotiations under the WTO, with some suggestions to increase the feasibility, to solve the problem on the export tax issues.