Militärdienst in Kriegsgebieten prägt das Leben von Millionen von Menschen weltweit. Ziel dieser Dissertation ist es, besser zu verstehen wie und weshalb junge Männer Praktiken und Strategien von Armeen ausgesetzt sind, und wie diese Erfahrungen ihr langfristiges Verhalten prägen. Die Arbeit enthält drei eigenständige Essays, die diese Themen jeweils theoretisch als auch empirisch behandeln. Die empirische Analyse nutzt selbst erhobene Umfragedaten von 760 angolanischen Veteranen, detaillierte Einblicke in den lokalen Kontext und den angolanischen Bürgerkrieg als ein natürliches Experiment um kausale Mechanismen zu identifizieren. Kapitel 2 argumentiert, dass ein nichtstaatlicher Kriegsakteur ähnlich wie ein Staatsakteur in der Lage sein kann lokal Steuern zu erheben und, dass ein solcher Akteur Wehrpflicht zur Rekrutierung einsetzt. Kapitel 3 offenbart, dass Soldaten, die mehr in lokaler `governance` mit der Armee involviert sind, in der Nachkriegszeit im Durchschnitt mehr zur Herstellung öffentlicher Gütern beitragen. Mehr Erfahrung mit sozialer Kooperation stimuliert die Teilnahme in Planungsprozessen, während eine Verschiebung der politischen Präferenzen Beiträge zur Bereitstellung der Güter fördert. Kapitel 4 zeigt, dass Erlebnisse sexueller Gewalt gegen Zivilistinnen auf lange Sicht das Risiko von Gewalttaten gegen die eigene Partnerin erhöhen. Der Grund ist eine nachhaltige Reduzierung psychologischer Barrieren gegenüber Gewalt gegen Frauen. Die Arbeit trägt zu mehreren Literaturen zu den langfristigen Ursprüngen menschlichen Verhaltens und der Mechanik und Folgen gewaltsamer Konflikte bei. Die Befunde stellen konventionelle Rekrutierungsmodelle in Frage, vorherrschende Theorien häuslicher Gewalt, sowie unser Verständnis davon, wie Krieg lokal Institutionen verändert. Die Ergebnisse zeigen neue Wege auf, wie Entwicklungspolitik kriegsbedingte Verhaltensmuster angehen und sich zunutze machen kann, um dadurch mehr Kooperation und weniger Gewalt zu schaffen. / Military service in conflict zones strongly marks the lives of millions of people across the world. The objective of this thesis is to contribute to understanding how and why young men are exposed to practices and policies by armed groups, and how these experiences affect their behavior in the long run. The thesis presents three self-contained essays that all address this objective theoretically and empirically. The empirical analysis relies on primary survey data from 760 Angolan veterans, uses deep insights into the local context and exploits the Angolan Civil War as a natural experiment to identify causal mechanisms. Chapter 2 argues that a non-state armed actor may – like a state actor – have the ability to tax a local population and will choose conscription as its primary recruitment policy. Chapter 3 exposes that former soldiers who were more involved in local governance during the war are significantly more likely to participate in collective public good production more than a decade after the end of the war. Gaining experience with social cooperation increases contributions to organizing public goods, while a shift in political preferences fosters participation in their delivery. Chapter 4 shows that exposure to sexual violence by armed groups significantly increases an individual’s long-term propensity to commit violence against an intimate partner. This effect is underpinned by a reduction of psychological barriers to violence against women. The thesis contributes to several literatures on the long-run individual-level origins of human behavior and on the conduct and consequences of armed conflict. The findings challenge conventional models of rebel recruitment, dominant theories of domestic violence and existing knowledge of how war affects local institutions. The findings can also help policymakers to tackle and leverage long-run impacts of conflict on behavior, in order to devise new policies for more cooperative and less violent societies.

本篇以政府採行租稅混合為為核心，在產市勞市交互運作影響下，作地下經濟與地上經濟的兩部門一般均衡分析。我們不僅從租稅收入面探討租稅逃漏，更將觸角延伸至至政府支出面。最後，以這樣架構下分析公共財的Samuelson條件。 　　本文大致上可分為兩部分，第一部分以數學比較靜態及數值分析，討論政府的租稅工具－直接稅和間接稅，公共財，懲罰工具－逃漏直接稅和間接稅的懲罰稅率，等政策工具對經濟變數尤其是逃漏的影響。第二部分，我們承襲Usher(1986)，討論有租稅逃漏時對政府採行租稅混合稅制下公共財的提供成本，亦即Samuelson條件。 　　第一部分，我們發現：所得稅率和消費稅率提高均使地下勞工比例上升。透過租稅混合效果下，對地下對黑市勞工比例影響不確定。可是隨著消費稅期望懲罰率逐漸提高，所得稅率比消費稅率對地下勞工比例的影響來得大，故租稅混合在此情況下抑制逃漏的效果也將更佳。此外，當原本地下經濟很小及消費稅稅率較高時，則租稅混合抑制逃漏的效果也將不太大。 　　消費稅和所得稅期望懲罰率對經濟體系的影響恰與與消費稅和所得稅的影響相反，而且前者相較於後者更能抑制消費稅逃漏，政府提高這兩種懲罰率均能抑制地下勞工比例，然而卻是以降低地上勞工工資為代價。 　　公共財對經濟體系的變數影響不確定，但是可發現若公共財對地上經濟生產越具生產力越能抑制地下勞工比例。 　　第二部分，我們發現：當查核成本是固定時，在有逃漏情況下，除了得考慮租稅混合稅制下的扭曲成本，亦即租稅混合對稅基的影響，尚得考慮租稅混合稅制下對逃漏的影響。另一方面，公共財對地下勞動比例和消費稅稅基的影響也關係著公共財的提供成本。當查核成本是內生期望懲罰率的函數時，此時查查核成本是非固定的，公共財的提供成本除了受前項的考量因素影響外，尚得考慮租稅混合稅制及公共財對淨查核成本的影響。

公共支出與公共收入乃為一體兩面之事。A.C. Pigou於1947年就曾提出租稅融通方式不同，將影響公共支出水準的看法，他並且認為當政府採用扭曲性租稅來融通公共財時，會產生超額負擔使得公共財提供的邊際成本增加。基於這項觀點，就不宜再以公共財的直接成本作為最適公共支出水準的依據，而應將扭曲性租稅本身可能造成的扭曲效果納入考慮。而這也表示了P.A. Samuelson於1954年提出的最適公共財提供條件ΣMRS=MRT應該被修正，且視融通公共財的租稅方式所產生的影響而應有不同的最適公共財提供條件。 　　本篇論文的目的，即在討論各種不同的租稅制度融通下，以最適公共財提供條件的修正，分析修正項目對最適公共支出水準的影響，並與過去的文獻作一比較，以期得出不同的租稅制度融通和最適公共支出之間的關係。

近幾年來，在國際場合或在我國政治運作中，「族群融和」議題常被提出做為討論。觀察世界各國族群分化的狀況，我們發現社會存在族群分化問題會造成資源使用的不效率、經濟成長緩慢、政府政策效能低落等。其中，就公共政策來看，主要問題為公共財提供的數量及型態，會產生扭曲的現象。Bridgman（2004）利用租稅制度的選擇，解釋在族群互動下，公共財總量提供的問題。該文提出，只要允許族群有政策工具的選擇空間，則優勢族群必會剝奪其他族群資源以追求自身利益最大，導致公共財提供的扭曲與不效率，造成社會分化與公共財之間的問題。 本文以Bridgman（2004）文章為基礎，將「不同族群對公共財有不同的偏好反應」的因子，納入基本模型中。利用「公共財型態選擇機制」顯示不同族群面對相同公共財數量時，主觀的偏好反應在公共財效用差異上，使模型更臻完整。本文利用兩階段賽局方式，分別求取公共財型態均衡解與公共財數量及租稅政策的均衡解。透過均衡解的分析可發現，當族群對公共財型態有偏好差異時，公共財數量受到社會分化程度的衝擊愈大，亦即數量減少幅度較Bridgman（2004）模型結果更大，族群支付租稅的意願更低。而且，透過均衡解也可發現，當族群對公共財型態存在偏好差異，會更進一步的使公共財數量下降。此乃因族群偏好的差異透過族群間不公平的制度對待，加深了社會分化程度，更進一步減少公共財提供與資源使用效率。故政府制定相關政策時，應將族群問題納入考量，以期有更完善、公平的族群融和、社會穩定的發展。

Submitted by Daniele Mendonça (daniele.mendonca@ucsal.br) on 2018-06-05T19:26:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAOSHIELAROLEMBERG.pdf: 3646814 bytes, checksum: 595a5bac378d66e0eaa727abd2815134 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rosemary Magalhães (rosemary.magalhaes@ucsal.br) on 2018-06-06T13:17:57Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAOSHIELAROLEMBERG.pdf: 3646814 bytes, checksum: 595a5bac378d66e0eaa727abd2815134 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-06T13:17:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAOSHIELAROLEMBERG.pdf: 3646814 bytes, checksum: 595a5bac378d66e0eaa727abd2815134 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-02 / O presente trabalho se propõe a analisar a efetividade da Função Social da Propriedade Pública sobre bens imóveis públicos e sua correlação com a concretização do direito à moradia dos grupos sociais vulneráveis sob a perspectiva da garantia do mínimo existencial e da Função Social da Propriedade como dever fundamental. Para tanto, serão ponderados conceitos e discussões acerca da questão habitacional no Brasil, exemplificada a partir da realidade de Salvador/BA e Região Metropolitana, ressaltando-se a segregação socioespacial e o déficit habitacional como peculiaridades do processo de urbanização, a questão da moradia e do acesso à da terra urbana e o consequente desenvolvimento dos movimentos sociais urbanos na luta pelo direto à moradia. Intenta-se, ainda, analisar as concepções existentes sobre a Função Social da Propriedade, a concepção adotada pela legislação e doutrinária pátrias e seus fundamentos, além da proposição da perspectiva da Função Social da Propriedade como dever fundamental, para, enfim, discorrer sobre o direito fundamental à moradia como direito social e a sua correlação com o direito à cidade, o mínimo existencial e a dignidade humana. Por fim, são feitas considerações acerca da natureza jurídica dos bens imóveis públicos, sobre a imposição da função social a estes e a impropriedade da vedação constitucional irrestrita de usucapir bens imóveis públicos, com fim na reflexão sobre até que ponto a função social da propriedade está sendo respeitada no que tange à disposição da propriedade pública para a concretização do direito à moradia e do direito à cidade. A pesquisa evidencia que a Função Social da Propriedade se mostra na prática uma figura retórica na atuação estatal para a promoção do desenvolvimento urbano e gestão de cidades, pois o Poder Público, assim como os setores privados, se pauta na noção do direito de propriedade individual e irrestrito, em desconformidade aos valores constitucionais consubstanciados na Carta Magna de 1988, incluindo o Poder Judiciário, que segue a tradição civilista e dogmática sob a qual foi formado e se apresenta insensível à problemática da habitação como questão social. Sustenta-se ser possível defender que entre a norma-princípio da função social e a norma-regra de vedação de usucapião de bens públicos existe hierarquia axiológica, e que, em caso de conflito, deve prevalecer a primeira, orientando, desta forma, que os bens públicos cumpram função social, constituindo a usucapião especial sobre bens públicos desafetados mais uma proposta de instrumento para a regularização fundiária com fins na concretização do direito à moradia, sob a garantia do mínimo existencial para uma vida digna, e do direito à cidade. / This paper proposes to analyze the effectiveness of the Social Function of Public Property on public real estate and its correlation with the realization of the right to housing of vulnerable social groups from the perspective of guaranteeing the existential minimum and the Social Function of Property as a fundamental duty. For that, concepts and discussions about the housing issue in Brazil will be considered, exemplified by the reality of Salvador / BA and Metropolitan Region, highlighting the socio-spatial segregation and the housing deficit as peculiarities of the urbanization process, the housing issue and of access to urban land and the consequent development of urban social movements in the struggle for housing. It is also tried to analyze the existing conceptions on the Social Function of Property, the conception adopted by the country's legal and doctrinal principles and its foundations, besides proposing the perspective of the Social Function of Property as a fundamental duty, to finally discuss the fundamental right to housing as a social right and its correlation with the right to the city, the existential minimum and human dignity. Finally, considerations are made about the legal nature of public real estate, about the imposition of the social function on them, and the impropriety of the unrestricted constitutional prohibition of usucapir public real estate, with the purpose of reflecting on the extent to which the social function of property is being respected with regard to the disposition of public property for the realization of the right to housing and the right to the city. The research shows that the Social Function of Property is in practice a rhetorical figure in the state action for the promotion of urban development and city management, since the Public Power, as well as the private sectors, is based on the notion of individual property rights and unrestricted, in disregard for the constitutional values enshrined in the Constitution of 1988, including the Judiciary, which follows the civilist and dogmatic tradition under which it was formed and is insensitive to the problem of housing as a social issue. It is argued that it is possible to argue that there is an axiological hierarchy between the norm-principle of the social function and the norm-rule of prohibition of the use of public goods, and that, in case of conflict, the former must prevail, public property fulfills a social function, constituting the special misappropriation of public property, and a proposal for an instrument for land regularization with the purpose of realizing the right to housing, under the guarantee of the existential minimum for a dignified life, and of the right to the city.

Greenery in towns and cities are an important part of our lives and influences us in many positive ways. In the Czech Republic, the establishment, restoration and maintenance of public green areas within the competence of municipalities. As with every other public service there arises a problem with the quantity and quality of its provision. This paper deals with the relationships that developed in 2011 between spending on public greenery and various parameters of the municipalities. These relations are implemented by means of two hypotheses. The first is based on economies of scale, and assumes that the larger the municipality, the smaller expenses should be provided for public green areas per inhabitant. The second hypothesis is based on the work of Carruthers and Úlfarsson (2008) and says that a higher the population density reduces the per capita expenditures of city govenments. The validity assessment of the hypotheses is done by use of the statistical method of regression analysis. This, however, did not confirm the validity of any of them. Thus there is no indirect relationship between the size of the municipality or population density and public expenditures on green areas per capita. The reason why there is no relationship lies primarily in the great freedom of decision-making of individual municipalities, as far as public green is concerned.

The defense spending plays a significant role in the decision-making process of setting up a defense policy. The economy of a state, its performance and development rank among the main factors that influence the size of this public expenditure. At a time of economic stagnation in the Western European countries, the ongoing public debt crisis affects to a ever growing extent all areas of public spending, including the defense. This work aims to contribute to the current knowledge in the field of defense economy and public finance by investigating the influence of the state debt on defense spending. The first part of the work is dedicated to defining the economy of defense and providing a brief summary of its historical development, followed by a discussion of defense as a pure public good. This chapter analyzes the issue of public debt and explains how the major schools of economic theory approach this problem. The second part outlines the previous research in the field of defense spending and debt, their development and the potential relationship with macroeconomic variables. The third chapter presents and discusses the results of empirical research that is based on the theoretical assumptions and models introduced in the first two chapters. The analysis was performed on time series from the period of 1978 to 2011 (34 years) for seven NATO member states: Belgium, Denmark, France, Italy, Netherlands, UK and USA. The empirical analysis was performed by the statistical methods of regression and panel regression. The primary hypothesis on the existence of a relationship between the public debt and defense spending was confirmed and the partial hypothesis that this relationship is negative was refuted.

This dissertation explores aspects of financial stability from three different perspectives. In the first essay, we empirically analyze to which extent popular global systemic risk measures (SRMs) yield comparable results with respect to the systemic importance of a financial institution and, in particular, from which determinants the degree of consistency of the classification by the various SRMs depends. It turns out that rank correlations, in general, are more sensitive towards macroeconomic factors such as the unemployment rate, and to a minor degree towards factors that can be interpreted in a broader sense as proxies for the stability of a bank such as the market-to-book ratio and the loans-to-deposits ratio. Further analyses reveal the inconsistency of systemic risk ranks and the difficulty to detect specific explanatory factors across several different settings. In the second essay, we assess the potential of activity on Twitter for improving forecasts of daily and intra-daily stock and index return volatilities. For this purpose, a unique high-frequency dataset of a comprehensive sample of more than 150 stocks of large international companies, systemically important banks, as well as several leading international stock indices is constructed. Our results show that there is no clear advantage of adding Twitter information by assessing the forecast performance of a plethora of different model specifications. We also reveal the necessity to consider different set-ups since they partly deliver opposing results. However, even though Twitter information is sometimes valuable, we find that forecast improvements in general remain marginal. In the third essay, we characterizes the formation of self-enforcing international financial regulation agreements. Our analysis allows evaluating the desirability and feasibility of cooperative solutions and explains the challenges associated with the process of cooperation. We model the cooperation of national financial regulators in a game-theoretical framework that considers financial stability to be an impure public good. Joint national supervisory effort is supposed to increase aggregate welfare in terms of a more stable financial system both on a global and on a local level by simultaneously generating incentives to free-ride. In our basic version of the model, we show that partial cooperation of two or three countries is stable and improves the welfare of all countries relative to the non-cooperative Nash equilibrium. Further analyses highlight the role of additional club benefits. When signatory countries of a coalition gain benefits over and above the joint welfare maximization, stable coalitions of any size become feasible.

This pilot study has the twofold purpose of analyzing the effect of XAI explanations on the mental models of economic games participants, and testing the feasibility of the methodology devised for it. To achieve this, we compared the contribution behavior and mental models of 30 participants playing a public good game. Playing in pairs, a total of 10 participants played in each of three different conditions: i) a condition with a decision support system providing suggestions for contributions; ii) a condition with the decision support system and explanations for its suggestions; iii) a control condition. Upon finishing the game, all participants completed a Retrospection Task questionnaire to elicit their mental models about the game’s goals and partner’s behavior. Our results showed differences in the contribution behavior and mental models of the participants between the three conditions, with the condition with explanations presenting consistently higher contributions and participants reporting prosocial attitudes. Through these findings, this pilot study demonstrates the feasibility of the methodology and argues for the need of a larger-scale study to further investigate the effect of XAI explanations on the users’ mental models. / Denna pilotstudie har det dubbla syftet att analysera effekten av XAI-förklaringar på de mentala representationerna hos deltagarna i ekonomiska spel och att testa genomförbarheten av den metod som utarbetats för studien. För att uppnå detta jämförde vi bidragsbeteendet och de mentala representationerna hos 30 deltagare som spelade ett spel om kollektiva nyttigheter. Totalt 10 deltagare spelade parvis i var och en av tre olika behandlingar: i) en med ett beslutsstödsystem som ger förslag på bidrag, ii) en med beslutsstödsystemet och förklaringar till dess förslag, iii) en kontrollgrupp. Efter att ha avslutat spelet fyllde alla deltagare i ett frågeformulär om en retrospektionsuppgift för att utvärdera deras mentala representationer om spelets mål och partnerns beteende. Våra resultat visade skillnader i deltagarnas bidragsbeteende och mentala modeller mellan de tre behandlingarna, där behandlingen med förklaringar presenterade genomgående högre bidrag och deltagare som rapporterade prosociala attityder. Genom dessa resultat visar den här pilotstudien att metoden är genomförbar och argumenterar för behovet av en studie i större skala för att ytterligare undersöka effekten av XAI-förklaringar på användarnas mentala modeller.

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