Alors même que la France et la Grande-Bretagne s’apprêtent à déclarer la guerre à l’Allemagne, plus d’un million de personnes sont évacuées de la frontière franco-allemande. Encadrés de part et d’autre de la frontière par les autorités civiles et militaires, les Alsaciens, Lorrains, Badois et Sarrois, vivant entre les lignes défensives (ligne Maginot, Ligne Siegfried) et la frontière, sont transportés vers l’intérieur de leur pays respectifs. Ces mesures d’évacuation du début de la Seconde Guerre mondiale constituent pour les deux sociétés, après la mobilisation des hommes en âge de se battre, la seconde grande mesure de guerre faisant passer ces deux sociétés civiles à l’état de sociétés en guerre. Cette transformation a non seulement des conséquences au niveau social, politique et économique, mais également des effets au niveau communicationnel, ce qui constitue l’objet de cette thèse. Il s’agit, à travers le phénomène de l’évacuation, de faire ressortir les mécanismes de communication des États au niveau de leur propagande nationale, de faire apparaître les interactions et méthodes de communication entre les autorités locales et les évacués et enfin d’éclairer les systèmes de communication au sein des groupes des évacués à travers l’analyse des rumeurs de pillages des zones évacuées. Cette approche permet de retracer une histoire de la communication dans les sociétés en guerre française et allemande dans laquelle fusionnent les perspectives ascendante et descendante mais également comparative et transnationale. Ainsi, la communication des sociétés en guerre apparaît comme le fruit de négociations et d’interactions en constante évolution entre acteurs aux intérêts différents. De cette étude ressortent également les limites d’influence des deux États au sein de leur population, qu’il s’agisse d’un État républicain démocratique telle la Troisième République ou bien d’un État dictatorial aux ambitions totalitaires comme le fût le « Troisième Reich ». / While France and Great-Britain were about to declare war on Germany, more than one million persons were evacuated from the Franco-German Border. Led on both side of the border by civilian and military authorities, the Alsatians, Lorrainers, Badners and Saarlanders living between the defence lines (Maginot-Line, Siegfried Line) were transported inside their own country. These evacuations measures formed – after the mobilization on the front of the men in-age to fight – the second important measure of war, which turned these civil societies into war societies. This transformation has not only consequences on political, economic and social level, but also on communication, which is the topic of this doctoral thesis. The evacuations phenomena allow us to shed light on state propaganda on a national and international level, to reveal the communication methods and interactions between the local authorities and the evacuees and finally to show the communications systems within groups of evacuees by analysing rumours on pillages of the evacuated region. This approach highlights a history of communication in both French and German war society based on top-down and bottom-up perspectives and on comparative and transnational analyses. Communication in war society appears as the fruit of negotiations and interactions in constant evolution between agents with different interests. This study emphasized the limits of the state’s influence over the population, both in a republican democratic state as the French Third Republic and in a dictatorial state with totalitarian ambitions such as the “Third Reich”.

Ma recherche est une étude qui reconstitue le milieu littéraire, culturel et intellectuel dans lequel se trouve l’écrivain italien Franco Fortini (1917-1994) pendant son séjour en Suisse. La section centrale de la thèse est une édition critique de La guerra a Milano qui, d’un côté, fait ressortir la leçon originaire destinée à être publiée en Suisse, et qui de l’autre rend évident, à travers l’apparat critique, l’évolution des variantes introduites par les éditions de presse. Le texte qui fut publié en 1963, en effet, issu d’un travail de correction effectué vingt ans plus tard, fut privé des passages en italique qui, décrivant la condition de réfugié du jeune écrivain, créaient un remarquable contrepoint à la narration historique. Le texte du ’63, de plus, n’a plus un rôle autonome, mais est accompagné (ou mieux – contre la chronologie – anticipé) par le récit Sere in Valdossola. Avoir récupéré cette forme originaire du texte, en la préférant aux deux éditions (1963 et 1985), nous a fait pencher pour une édition qui mette en évidence la leçon de Z (1943-44) et signale en apparat soit les variantes génétiques (celles de Z, placées dans le premier paragraphe), soit les variantes évolutives des éditions de presse (à recenser dans un second paragraphe). Dans l’appendice on a reproduit aussi la leçon du manuscrit, accompagnée d’un apparat qui signale les variantes internes. Un bref commentaire final comprend des notes explicatives du texte (des traductions des passages en langue étrangère, des références à des personnages ou à des évènements historiques, etc.). Ma recherche permettra ainsi aux chercheurs (et, plus tard, par une éventuelle publication de la thèse à des lecteurs plus nombreux) de connaître un document inédit d’un des auteurs italiens les plus remarquables de la seconde moitié du vingtième siècle. / My research examines the literary, cultural and intellectual milieu in which the Italian writer Franco Fortini (1917-1994) lived during his stay in Switzerland. During this stay, in fact, Fortini tied many friendships with Italian and French intellectuals, such as Ignazio Silone, Adriano Olivetti, Gianfranco Contini, Starobinski, Paul Eluard, Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir. The central section of the thesis is a critical edition of La guerra a Milano which, on one hand, highlights the original lesson to be published in Switzerland, and on the other, makes clear, through the critical apparatus, the changing variants introduced by the new editions. The text was published in 1963, in fact, after a twenty-years-long correction work, and was deprived of the italicized passages describing the refugee status of the young writer, that created a remarkable counterpoint to the historical narration. The 1963 text has an autonomous role, but it is accompanied (or better - against the timing - advanced) by the story in Sere Valdossola. To have recovered this original text, instead of the two editions (1963 and 1985), highlights the lesson of the typescript (1943-1944). In the appendix we have also reproduced the lesson of the manuscript, accompanied by notes that signal internal variants. A brief final comment includes explanatory notes of the text (translations of foreign-language passages, references to characters or historical events, etc.). My research will thus enable researchers (and, later, thanks to eventual publication of the thesis, many others readers) knowing an unpublished document of one of the most outstanding Italian writers of the second half of the twentieth century. La guerra a Milano is Fortini’s first text to be written in its entirety and to be reissued during the postwar period with the publication of Sere in Valdossola (1963).

La révolution mémorielle qui a marqué la période de la Glasnost, puis la fin de l’URSS ont mis l’enseignement russe devant l’obligation de revoir le contenu des manuels scolaires d’histoire, ainsi que les modalités de leur fonctionnement. Dans les années 1990, la recherche d’une nouvelle grille de lecture de l’histoire nationale du 20ème siècle, enseignée durant les dernières années du curriculum scolaire russe, se trouvait au cœur des débats sur les manuels d’histoire. Les auteurs de ces derniers, qui agissaient désormais dans le cadre de l’économie du marché, oscillaient entre le rejet de l’héritage du passé et la persistance des représentations et approches soviétiques. Depuis le début des années 2000, de multiples injonctions et discours des présidents de la Fédération de Russie (Vladimir Poutine et Dimitri Medvedev) et de leurs ministres ont démontré la volonté de contrôler le choix et le contenu des manuels. Tout cela laissait soupçonner que les autorités politiques avaient l’intention d’instrumentaliser l’histoire nationale, et plus particulièrement celle du 20ème siècle, dans le but d’assurer leur légitimité. De nombreux changements apparaissant dans les manuels des années 2000 et 2010 (tels que la réévaluation de la figure de Staline, le renforcement de l’image de l’Etat fort, le retour de l’idée de l’hostilité de l’Occident ou encore la justification de la géopolitique russe et soviétique) semblent confirmer l’hypothèse selon laquelle le gouvernement cherche à déculpabiliser l’histoire tout en offrant une légitimité historique à sa politique. Cependant, l’analyse des textes de plus de 70 manuels d’histoire postsoviétiques et du contexte de leur publication nous plonge au cœur d’un processus complexe, impliquant de nombreux acteurs. / The revolution in public consciousness that marked the period of Glasnost, and the USSR collapse that followed, compelled Russian Ministry of Education to review the content of history textbooks, as well as the whole process of textbook writing. In the 1990s, the debate on history textbooks focused on the search for a new view of 20th century Russian history taught in the final years of the Russian secondary school curriculum. The textbook authors, now working in the context of the market economy, vacillated between rejection of the legacy of the past and a persistently Soviet point of view. Since the early 2000s, several directives and speeches of Russian presidents Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev and their ministers have demonstrated the government’s willingness to control the available range of history textbooks and their content. The directives and speeches suggest that political authorities intended to exploit national history, particularly that of the 20th century period, in order to assert their legitimacy. In fact, we can observe many changes in textbooks from the 2000s and the 2010s, such as the re-evaluation of the historical figure of Stalin, the strengthening of the image of a strong State, the return of the concept of Western hostility and the justification of Russian and Soviet geopolitics. This seems to confirm the hypothesis that the government seeks to whitewash the national history while providing its policy with historical legitimacy. However, an analysis of the texts of more than 70 post-Soviet history books and the context of their publication reveals a complex process involving many different actors.

This dissertation provides an account of the contributions of Canadian universities to the Second World War. It examines the deliberations and negotiations of university, government, and military officials on how best to utilize and direct the resources of Canadian institutions of higher learning towards the prosecution of the war and postwar reconstruction. During the Second World War, university leaders worked with the Dominion Government and high-ranking military officials to establish comprehensive training programs on campuses across the country. These programs were designed to produce service personnel, provide skilled labour for essential war and civilian industries, impart specialized and technical knowledge to enlisted service members, and educate returning veterans. University administrators actively participated in the formation and expansion of these training initiatives and lobbied the government for adequate funding to ensure the success of their efforts. This study shows that university heads, deans, and prominent faculty members eagerly collaborated with both the government and the military to ensure that their institutions’ material and human resources were best directed in support of the war effort and that, in contrast to the First World War, skilled graduates would not be heedlessly wasted. At the center of these negotiations was the National Conference of Canadian Universities, a body consisting of heads of universities and colleges from across the country. This organization maintained an active presence in all major deliberations and exercised substantial influence over the policies affecting the mobilization of university resources.

Este trabajo de investigación analiza la propaganda nazi entre las décadas de 1930 y 1940. Bajo esta premisa, evidencia el rol que tuvo la política de comunicación totalitaria del régimen de Adolf Hitler sobre el Holocausto y la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Durante la dictatura de Adolf Hitler, los alemanes se convirtieron en pioneros en desarrollar técnicas de comunicación para los medios de masas de la época. De esta forma se analiza el papel esencial de los medios en función a la política comunicativa nazi, así como también el rol de estos y sus efectos sobre la sociedad. Esta investigación es relevante porque permite comprender desde diferentes perspectivas un ángulo poco tratado del Holocasto y la Segunda Guerra Mundial / This research work analyzes Nazi propaganda between the decades of 1930 and 1940. Under this premise, it shows the role that the totalitarian communication policy of the Adolf Hitler regime had on the Holocaust and the World War II. During the dictatorship of Adolf Hitler, the Germans became pioneers in developing communication techniques for the mass media of the time. In this way, the essential role of the media in relation to Nazi communication policy is analyzed, as well as their role and their effects on society. This research is relevant because it allows us to understand from different perspectives a little treated angle of the Holocaust and World War II. / Trabajo de investigación

The diploma thesis Critical acclaim of Czech female writers' topical work on the Second World War analyses book reviews of three chosen novels devoted to the theme of the Second World War, by Kateřina Tučková, Alena Mornštajnová and Květa Legátová. The aim of the thesis is to document how the works have been received by Czech literary critics and reviewers. The analysis examines texts from literary magazines (Tvar, Host, A2, Literární noviny, iLiteratura.cz), general press (Lidové noviny, Mladá fronta DNES, Novinky.cz, Týden) and Czech Radio. The theoretical part defines literary criticism, and summarizes the biographies of chosen writers and the history of some of the important literary magazines that are analyzed in the thesis. In the theoretical part, I also put the role of female contemporary writers into perspective of their cultural and historical context. The following practical part is focused on interpreting novels and analyzing and evaluating critical response. The analysis not only examines the opinions and conclusions of reviewers, but also the quality of the authors' reflections, and the professionalism and complexity of their approach to the novels. The thesis also includes interviews with Kateřina Tučková and Alena Mornštajnová, in which the writers are questioned about their...

This diploma thesis examines the possibilities of using techniques and methods of drama education in the work of a first-level primary school teacher, specifically in teaching a patriotic topic. It is divided into two parts, theoretical and practical. It the theoretical part, it characterizes the younger school age child and their specifics, focusing on physical, emotional and social development, as well as development of cognitive processes. In the following chapters, it defines the concepts of instruction and education. Furthermore, the theoretical section introduces the notion of dramatic education. It describes how education and dramatic education were viewed throughout history. It discusses more closely the methods, techniques, principles and goals of drama education. It details the different forms of drama education in school, as well as the educational content of Drama Education as an educational field. It addresses the personality of a teacher and their professional qualifications. One of the theoretical chapters presents information on the historical events of the given region - the patriotic educational topic and a description of gathering information and collecting data. The practical part consists of a plan of five teaching blocks in which the students, through the use of techniques and...

Diploma thesis Anti-Nazi resistance in Rychnov nad Kněžnou region from 1939 to 1945 focuses on anti-Nazi resistance during the Second World War, specifically in eastern Bohemia, in Rychnov nad Kněžnou region. The introductory part of thesis briefly summarize situation in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia and anti-Nazi resistance in general, its main centers including leaders and related events. In the next chapters, the thesis watches situation in Rychnov nad Kněžnou region from 1939 to 1945. Records from chronicles will serve as a main source for these chapters. Next topic is dedicated to resistance groups which operated in this area. Especially their activities, persons and cooperation with other resistence groups. Here, among other things, the written memories of members of the resistance will be used as a source. Next, thesis studies situation after year 1945 - the one of the sources of activity of resistance groups there are written confirmations which were discovered after the end of the Second World War. Established target of the thesis is to introduce organization of anti-Nazi resistance in this area, Rychnov nad Kněžnou region, in the Protectorate Bohemia and Moravia. Demonstrate bravery od ordinary people who were active in the resistance groups even if they know that this decision...

Dans le Royaume-Uni de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, malgré une économie de guerre conditionnée par la production en charbon, l’industrie houillère est le premier secteur en grève. Les 3 473 grèves minières qui éclatent entre 1940 et 1944 constituent près de la moitié des grèves britanniques. Accusés de saper l’effort national, les mineurs se heurtent aux impératifs du patriotisme et à la politique de coopération nationale des institutions syndicales. À rebours des approches hors sol des mobilisations qui ont longtemps dominé l’historiographie, nous proposons d’explorer ces grèves from below, saisies sur le vif et ancrées dans le quotidien des communautés minières. Nous nous intéressons à la manière dont le conflit entre patriotisme et justice sociale se manifeste, à la mine comme au pub. Nous proposons en outre une étude nouvelle du décret 1305 interdisant les grèves. Où observe-t-on le heurt entre les grévistes et le droit ? Comment les grévistes sont-ils jugés (ou non) ? Comment, en retour, les mineurs jugent-ils le droit, y résistent ou le contournent ? Les grèves sont donc aussi saisies comme lieu où s’éprouve l’univers normatif des acteurs, ébranlé par l’irruption de la guerre. Les principes du juste salaire, en particulier, sont à réinventer – dans les grandes vagues de grèves du printemps 1942 et de l’hiver 1944, dans la grève emblématique des mineurs de Betteshanger, comme dans les soulèvements plus méconnus des pit boys gallois. La thèse montre notamment que les bouleversements des hiérarchies de statut et de genre provoqués par le conflit jouent un rôle central dans les revendications salariales des grévistes. Elle le fait à travers une ethnographie historique qui conjugue : une revisite historienne des enquêtes de terrain entreprises par le Mass Observation durant la guerre ; une exploration de leurs conditions de production (collectif, dispositif et pratiques d’enquête) ; et un retour contemporain sur ces terrains à travers une enquête orale menée auprès de mineurs et de Bevin Boys. En cela la thèse se veut également une contribution à l’histoire du Mass Observation (1937-1949), ce singulier collectif de recherche extra-universitaire et autodidacte qui constitue un épisode négligé de l’histoire des sciences sociales britanniques. / During the Second World War, coal was essential to Britain’s war effort. Yet, in 1940-1944, the coal industry accounted for almost half of all strikes. Surprisingly, industrial relations studies have given little attention to the way ‘ordinary miners’ thought about militancy in wartime. Using thickly-textured empirical studies, this thesis unveils how these strikes were experienced and legitimized by the miners. It aims to explore these strikes from below, grounded in the daily life of mining communities. It asks: how did the conflict between patriotism and social justice express itself, both in the mine and at the pub? A central focus of the thesis is on the way the war disrupted the normative worlds and moral economy of miners on strike.A first important avenue of research is centered on Order 1305 which outlawed strikes and criminalized strikers. This thesis starts by providing a detailed analysis of the ways Order 1305 was used and of the difficulties encountered by the ministries in prosecuting strikers. Using a little-known Mass Observation survey, it then provides a reassessment of the January 1942 strike at Betteshanger Colliery, Kent, which has come to symbolize the failure of Order 1305. It then turns to another untapped source: that of the protest letters sent to the Ministry of Labour and the Home Office in the aftermath of the Betteshanger miners’ trial. This thesis then examines how the cry for fair wages became a burning issue for miners in wartime. It highlights the important role played by changing status and gender hierarchies in these claims. In this section, the thesis first turns to the 1942 strikes and to the South Wales pit boys’ strikes. It then pays particular attention to the comparisons made by striking miners with the munitions workers’ high wages. A new perspective on this issue is provided by the survey undertaken by Mass Observation in Blaina and Nantyglo, two Welsh mining towns where miners and munitions workers were close neighbours. They reveal how, within the mining communities, these claims for “fair wages” were connected to issues of consumption, morality, gender, and respectability. Finally, the thesis argues for the need to include Bevin Boys into our understanding of the 1944 Porter Award Strikes. This thesis offers a “historical ethnography”, combining the following features:: first, an analysis of Mass Observation mining surveys; second, a study of the research design and methods of these wartime surveys; third, 43 oral history interviews conducted with miners and Bevin Boys in the very mining communities studied by Mass Observation. In that sense, this thesis also contributes to the history of Mass Observation (1937-1949), which still constitutes a neglected episode in the history of British social sciences.

La 1e Guerre mondiale fut le catalyseur de mutations sociales et techniques, qui suscitent de nouveaux besoins d’administration, matérialisés par l’émergence d’un nouveau groupe social: celui des experts. Dans les États modernes allemands et polonais, un groupe particulier d’experts se détache, qui se spécialisent dans une thématique aux profondes racines culturelles : l’Est européen.Les changements de régime et de territoire entre 1918 et 1972 déstabilisent le cadre de référence des sociétés allemandes et polonaises, particulièrement entre 1939 et 1945. Cependant, l’historiographie des sciences de l’Est allemandes (Ostforschung) souligne les continuités personnelles, institutionnelles et conceptuelles fortes dans l’expertise de l’Est du « IIIe Reich » à l’Allemagne de l’Ouest. En Allemagne de l’Est et en Pologne, au contraire, le changement de régime après 1945 rend impossible toute continuité, mais la question de l’évolution de la pensée sur l’Est dans les cercles de l’expertise, qui eux se maintiennent, reste posée.En dépassant l’analyse de l’expertise en termes de subordination aux différents régimes politiques auxquels elle s’adresse, nous mettons en valeur les spécificités de l’expertise de l’Est. Elle se caractérise par un double ancrage dans l’imaginaire collectif et dans les pratiques scientifiques contemporaines, pour exprimer un but politique. Cet ancrage explique l’inertie dans les conceptions allemandes et polonaises de l’Est. L’approche comparatiste souligne tant la diversité des conceptions de l’Est, que les fonctions sociales comparables de l’Est, notamment celle d’ennemi et d’espace de projection nationale, passée et à venir / The First World War was the catalyst for social and technical changes, which gave rise to new administrative needs, materialized by the emergence of a new social group: that of the experts. In modern German and Polish states, a particular group of experts stands out, specializing in a theme with deep cultural roots: eastern Europe.The changes of regime and territory between 1918 and 1972 destabilize the frame of reference of the German and Polish societies, particularly between 1939 and 1945. However, the historiography of Eastern German sciences (Ostforschung) emphasizes the personal, institutional and conceptual continuity in the expertise of the East from the "Third Reich" to West Germany. In East Germany and Poland, on the contrary, the change of regime after 1945 renders any continuity impossible, but the question of the evolution of the thought on the East in the circles of the expertise, which maintained, remains asked.By going beyond the analysis of expertise in terms of subordination to the various political regimes to which it is addressed, we highlight the specificities of Eastern expertise. It is characterized by a double anchoring in the collective imagination and in contemporary scientific practices, to express a political goal. This anchorage explains the inertia in the German and Polish conceptions of the East. The comparatist approach emphasizes both the diversity of Eastern conceptions and the comparable social functions of the East, particularly that of the enemy and the space of national projection, past and future