Den första instansen av de konflikterande narrativen om väst och öst i Ukraina som denna studie tar upp presenterades 2007. Sedan dess, har konflikten trappat upp till graden av fullskaligt krig med Ryssland som anstiftare till den casus belli som åberopats. Syftet med studien är att granska propagandistiskt material på social media, specifikt Twitter, och fokusera på ryska och ukrainska myndigheters twitterinlägg om Rysslands invasion av Ukraina den 24:e Februari 2022. Denna studie är triangulär då den blandar både kvantitativa och kvalitativa ansatser i sin metodik. Den är kvantitativ i sin initiala datainsamling, som sedan övergår till kvalitativ när den fokuserar på att analysera frames hos inlägg på Twitter. Båda mätningarna redogör sedan för ett resultat som ger en helhetsbild på situationen som undersökts. Dess teoretiska ramverk baserar sig på tankegångar om Gitlin, Entman och Iyengars definitioner av framing, samt Jowett och O’Donnells definitioner av propaganda. Intresset för studien är att se till dissemineringen av inläggen, samt vilka skillnader och likheter som går att finna i de frames som förekommer i vissa av inläggen. Resultaten som studien presenterar visar att Ukraina vunnit övervägande stöd av twitteranvändarna, när de använt plattformen för att propagera för sin sak. De har dessutom använt konfronterande frames angående Rysslands agerande, där Ryssland i stället valt att undvika att direkt tala om konflikten. Slutsatserna som studien drar ligger i de skilda kommunikationsstrategier de båda nationerna använder sig utav, samt hur Ukrainas positionering diplomatiskt blivit förskjuten till utökade samarbeten med väst. Nyckelord: Kvantitativ, kvalitativ, propaganda. / The first instance of the conflicting narratives about west and east in Ukraine that this study covers was presented in 2007. Since then, the conflict has escalated to the point of full-scale war with Russia as the instigator to the casus belli that has been invoked. The aim of the study is to examine propagandistic material on social media, specifically Twitter, and focus on Russian and Ukrainian authorities twitter posts on the Russian invasion of Ukraine on the 24th of February 2022. This study is triangular as it involves both quantitative and qualitative approaches in its methodology. It is quantitative in its initial collection of data, which then transitions to qualitative when it focuses on analyzing frames on Twitter posts. Both measurements later accounts for a result to give an overall picture on the situation that has been researched. Its theoretical framework roots its mindset in Gitlin, Entman and Iyengar’s definitions of framing, as well as Jowett and O’Donnell’s definitions of propaganda.The interest of the study is looking to the dissemination of the posts, as well as the differences and similarities that can be found in the frames which occurs in some of the posts. The results presented in the study points to Ukraine winning predominant support by the Twitter users, when they have used the platform to propagate their cause. They have also used confronting frames regarding Russia’s actions, where Russia instead chose to avoid addressing the conflict directly. The conclusions drawn in the study lies in the separate strategies for communication that the different nations use, as well as how the diplomatic position of Ukraine has been offset to increased cooperation with the west.  Keywords: Quantitative, qualitative, propaganda.

In the cooperation between the EU and Ukraine since the EU-Ukraine AssociationAgreement was signed in 2014, the EU has relied heavily on discourse to project power. Theinvasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation on the 24th of February 2022 caused a severeescalation of the conflict that has ravaged Ukraine since 2014, and the reactions of theEuropean Union have been strong. But what has the role, or more importantly, thediscursively constructed role, of the EU been in the Ukraine situation before the invasion?Additionally, how has this role been legitimised by the EU institutions responsible for theunion’s foreign policy? This study offers a poststructuralist analysis of how the EU constructsitself as a more coherent and powerful actor in European politics, than it actually may be.Employing Jean Baudrillard’s theory of simulated power in a similar way to the study of theEU:s discourse with Serbia and Kosovo by Gashi Krenar, the analysis focuses on how theUkrainan national identity, and the conflicts facing the nation are discussed in official EUdocuments. Special attention is given to expressions of normativity and sovereignty, theambiguity of which may conceal more obscure meanings. The results I present are used as afoundation for my understanding of the EU’s discourse as constituted by a deliberatediscursive strategy of simulating power, a strategy that is used in very different ways in theyear 2014 and then seven years later, in 2021.

Due to their innovative capacity and social mission, social enterprises build resilience and cohesion in communities by providing for vulnerable groups that governments and markets tend to overlook. In the recovery from COVID-19, while countries attempt to regain lost ground towards their sustainable development goals, protections and support to social entrepreneurship will be vital. This study examines this issue in the context of Ukraine, where the social and economic effects of the pandemic had been exacerbated by the war in Donbas and a decades-long history of unstable economic development. The February 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, which occurred while this research was concluding, is factored into the analysis. Social entrepreneurship presented an opportunity to contribute towards the development priorities laid out by the Ukrainian government, but various challenges - including a lack of corresponding legislation and negative public perception - stood in the way of the sector’s progress. By analyzing scholarly articles, policy documents, and news reports related to Ukrainian social enterprise, as well as the responses of 13 social enterprises to an electronic survey, this study explores the experiences of self-identified social enterprises in Ukraine during COVID-19, before the Russian invasion. This inquiry brings awareness to the socially-oriented businesses that were working towards sustainable development in Ukraine before the country was forced into the newest iteration of war at the hands of Russia.

The press coverage of any armed conflict has traditionally played a crucial role during times of war since major abuses of human rights and war crimes are brought to the public due to journalists’ coverage. When Russia invaded Ukraine on the 24th of February 2022, it dominated the news for weeks since many parts of the world were heavily affected. Many scholars have investigated the challenges that come when reporting on wars and conflicts. There are, however, few studies that have focused on Serbian journalists. Therefore, this study sets out to investigate how Serbian journalists cover the war in Ukraine and what influences their reporting by conducting in-depth interviews with seven journalists working the political beat. Nygren et al. (2018) found that journalistic culture and political context direct and shape the coverage to a large extent. Therefore, Thomas Hanitzsch’s model of journalism culture (2007) is used as the main theoretical framework of the project.   The study has shown that Serbian journalists generally believe that staying objective and presenting all sides of the conflict should guide the coverage of the war. However, they are put in a difficult position because of their country’s conflicted stance: Serbia has ties to Russia and the EU; it condemned the war in Ukraine but refused to impose sanctions on the aggressor. Consistent with the previous literature, the study found that Serbia’s political-historical context shapes the journalistic coverage when reporting on the conflict. Journalists are generally critical of their government but tend to agree with it when discussing the war. This finding can be linked to the NATO bombing of Belgrade in 1999 and the Serbian economy, which heavily depends on Russian oil, gas, and investments and would considerably decline if Serbian sanctions were imposed on Russia. Although, when counteracting propaganda, fake news, and disinformation, some Serbian journalists took a more active and assertive role in reporting on behalf of the socially disadvantaged, which in this case was the Ukrainian people who were underrepresented in the media coverage.

Zur X. Moskauer Konferenz über Internationale Sicherheit (MCIS-2022) • Vorwort: Inhalt und Bedeutung MCIS-2022; • Kommentar aus Russland zu Reden-MCIS-2022 (dt. Übers.); • Dokumentation (dt. Übers.): - Ansprache des Präsidenten der RF zur MCIS-2022; - Rede des Verteidigungsministers der RF zur MCIS-2022; - Sämtliche Textoriginale (russ.).:Zur X. Moskauer Konferenz über Internationale Sicherheit (MCIS-2022) – Global Governance im Diskurs (V) • Vorwort von Rainer Böhme & Wilfried Schreiber: 'Vorbemerkungen zur Moskauer Sicherheitskonferenz MCIS-2022'. • Kommentar von W. Pawlenko: 'Wladimir Putin: Der globalistische neoliberale Totalitarismus ist dem Untergang geweiht'. In: IA REGNUM, Moskau, 16. August 2022 (Übersetzt a.d. Russ. von Rainer Böhme). • Dokumentation (Übersetzt a.d. Russ. von Rainer Böhme): o Ansprache des Präsidenten der RF Wladimir Putin an die Teilnehmer und Gäste der MCIS-2022 am 16. August 2022. o Rede des Verteidigungsministers der RF Sergej Schojgu auf der Penarsitzung № 1 der MCIS-2022 am 16. August 2022. • Textoriginale (russ.): o Kommentar von W. Pawlenko (russ.) vom 16. August 2022; o Ansprache von W. Putin vom 16. August 2022; o Rede von S. Schojgu vom 16. August 2022.

Eskalation im geostrategischen Ringen um Ukraine und Kasachstan (2022): • Vorbemerkungen zum Inhalt. • Dmitrij Trenin (dt. Übers.) zu den Folgen nach Explosion auf der Krimbrücke (2022) – Interview aus Tallin und Meinung aus Moskau. • Meinungen aus Russland (dt. Übers.) zu Spannungen mit Kasachstan (2022). (dt. Übers.): • Sämtliche Textoriginale (russ.).:Eskalation im geostrategischen Ringen um Ukraine und Kasachstan (2022) – Global Governance im Diskurs (XI) ● Vorbemerkungen von Rainer Böhme und Wilfried Schreiber: 'Zum Thema und zu den Einzelbeiträgen'. ● Meinungsbeiträge zur Ukraine-Krise: (Übersetzt a.d. Russ. von Rainer Böhme.) ○ Interview von Jaanus Pijrsalu (Tallin, EST) mit Dmitrij Trenin (Moskau): 'Explosion auf der Krimbrücke: Die russische Öffentlichkeit fordert jetzt einen Krieg im vollen Umfang gegen die Ukraine.' ○ Beitrag im ‘KOMMERSANT’ (Moskau) von Dmitrij Trenin: Auf dem Weg zur äußersten Grenze. Dmitrij Trenin über Unterschiede zwischen Ukraine-Konflikt und Kubakrise. ● Meinungsbeiträge zu Kasachstan: (Übersetzt a.d. Russ. von Rainer Böhme.) ○ Beitrag aus Moskau in ‘IA REGNUM’ von Ainu Kurmanow: 'Kasachstan hat den Kelch der Geduld des Kremls völlig ausgeschöpft!' ○ Beitrag aus Nur-Sultan in ‘IA REGNUM’ von Wladimir Pawlenko: 'Kasachstan ist Mitglied im Unionsstaat! Wird es den Nationalismus überwinden ohne die Kräfte der OVKS?' ● Textoriginale (russisch): ○ Interview ‘Rus.Postimees.ee’, Tallin, 10.10. 2022, mit D. Trenin; ○ Beitrag aus Moskau, in ‘KOMMERSANT’, 12.10.2022, von D. Trenin; ○ Beitrag aus Moskau, in ‘IA REGNUM’, 12.10.2022, von A. Kurmanow; ○ Beitrag aus Nur-Sultan, in ‘IA REGNUM’, 15.01.2022, von W. Pawlenko.

In February 2022 the lives of millions of people all over Europe have been divided into two parts – before and after the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. Fearing for their lives, 5,2 million Ukrainians were forced to relocate to neighbouring countries, women and children accounting for about 90% of all refugees leaving Ukraine, as with few exceptions men are prohibited from leaving Ukraine by law. The law has created an advantage and an ethical dilemma for numerous women: they can either seek safety outside Ukraine, meaning they would have to leave their husbands, brothers, and fathers, or stay together but risk their own lives instead. This thesis aims to investigate the effect of the war on women’s rights and the nature of artificially created gender advantage. It aims to answer the following research questions: what current implications does the war in Ukraine have on women’s rights and how do these implications affect women’s decision to leave Ukraine? Through interviewing volunteers who work with Ukrainian refugees it was discovered that what creates a gender difference and a foundation of an advantage to a certain extent is that women are much more exposed to the danger of sexual violence and human trafficking. They also experience larger financial difficulties resulting in poverty and health complications. But it is the parenthood and the desire to protect their children that actually drives women’s decision to leave Ukraine and seek shelter in other countries, even if it means that they will be separated from their families. By creating a gender advantage, government is trying to rescue children and future generations. They cannot leave alone because someone has to take care of them, and it is usually a mother who would do this in Ukraine due to an existing gender order, so women gain an advantage by proxy, while an actual advantage is given to children.

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