This thesis examines the international community's meager response – despite the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) – to the conflict in Tigray. Why was the response minimal, and what could be done to make R2P more efficacious in the future? The R2P framework describes the responsibilities to protect populations around the world against mass atrocity crimes, as stated in Article 5 of the Rome Statute. The study shows that R2P as a framework is flawed, and proposes the creation of an R2P ombudsman to monitor conflicts, focus the international community's attention and assist states that are struggling or failing to protect vulnerable people. The thesis draws upon a theory of political realism but also highlights the sometime significance of shared ethical norms and values.

The thesis purports to assess the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) in maintaining international peace and security and the International Criminal Court (ICC) in prosecuting individuals who have committed severe violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) and international law, during humanitarian and counter-terrorism operations. The thesis endeavours to highlight the failures of both institutions, firstly, the UNSC being unable to fulfil its institutional mandate, which is mainly attributed to the abuse of veto privileges granted to the five permanent members (P5). This has effectively allowed individuals from the militaries of the P5 and their allies elude criminal liability, promoting a culture of impunity. The UNSC’s failure to prevent P5 members use of unauthorised military force in pursuing counter-terrorism operations and interpose expeditiously in humanitarian crises, have also contributed to the erosion of the institutions’ legitimacy, which is further perpetuated by the USA’s continued ‘War on Terror’ doctrine after the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Secondly, the ICC’s inability to prosecute individuals for crimes under the Rome Statute will also be highlighted as the principle of complementarity and the court’s inability to enforce arrest warrants are significant factors contributing to the institutions inability to administer international criminal justice. The thesis draws upon practical examples to substantiate the failures of both institutions by referring to the conflicts in: Afghanistan, Iraq, Palestine, Syria and Libya. Before concluding the UNSC and the ICC have become futile, the thesis will then make recommendations for reform and propose a novel solution to restore legitimacy back to both institutions.

Le pouvoir est omniprésent dans les interactions sociales. Il en va de même pour la politique internationale depuis la naissance des Relations internationales. Mais au sein de celle-ci, ce concept est contesté. Par exemple, le terme anglais power désigne deux phénomènes qui ne sont pas identiques et qui sont traduits par deux termes distingues en français : « la puissance » signifiant la capacité d’obtenir ce qu’on désire, et « le pouvoir » renvoyant au contrôle du comportement d’un acteur sur un autre. L’objectif de la thèse est double. Tout d’abord, cette recherche entend établir un lien étroit entre la façon de définir le pouvoir et les différents cadres théoriques (réalistes, libéraux, constructivistes) puisqu’il n’existe pas d’unique définition du concept. Ce premier aspect permettra de mieux comprendre la genèse mais aussi les tensions entre le concept et sa théorie-cadre lorsque le premier a tendance à circuler dans d’autres théories, comme ce dont témoigne les débats autour de la trilogie hard power, soft power, smart power de Joseph Nye. Le deuxième objectif vise à mieux comprendre le pouvoir des organisations intergouvernementales en adoptant un cadre constructiviste. La thèse s’appuie sur l’approche de Barnett et Duvall qui distingue quatre types de pouvoir (imposé, institutionnel, structurel et productif) en vue de saisir le pouvoir productif de la Francophonie dans la « fabrication » d’une nouvelle subjectivité de l’Etat : le « droit souverain » de promouvoir sa diversité culturelle et le « devoir souverain » concernant la responsabilité de protéger. La thèse montre également que le pouvoir institutionnel du Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies s’exerce via la socialisation du Vietnam en son sein dans le cas de la responsabilité de protéger. / The power is a ubiquitous phenomenon in social relations, particularly in International Relations. It is, however, an “essentially contestable” concept in IR theories. For instance, the English term power refers to two different phenomena which can be translated into two distinct terms in French: “la puissance” which means the capacity to get what one wants, and “le pouvoir” which implies the control over other’s behavior. This thesis has two objectives. First, it aims to build close connection between the power conceptualization and its theoretical framework (realism, liberalism, and constructivism) as there is no unique definition of power. The liaison between power definition and its theoretical framework allows us to better apprehend not only its genesis but also the discrepancy that emerges whenever the concept tend to transcend its theoretical framework, as reflected in the debates relative to the trilogy hard power, soft power, smart power of Joseph Nye. Second, this thesis intends to better understand the power of international organizations under the constructivist theoretical framework. The study bases on the power taxonomy of Barnett and Duvall who classify the concept into four types: compulsory power, institutional power, structural power and productive power. Based on this classification, we can understand the productive power of Francophonie in terms of “producing” a new subjectivity of State in IR: the “sovereign right” of promoting its cultural diversity and the “sovereign duty” of fulfilling its responsibility to protect. The thesis demonstrates also the UNSC’s institutional power via the Vietnam socialization process leading to the endorsement of the R2P concept.

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It is recognized that international relations are reinforcing a patriarchal and western status quo. The study examines how the UN resolutions on Women, Peace and Security (WPS) have contributed to changing the gendered security discourse. Previous literature argues that the gendered discourse creates dichotomies dividing the genders, creating binary divisions stating women as peace/victims and men as war/agents. The study aims to investigate how the ”WPS” pillars of protection and par- ticipation are formulated in the UN resolutions. Grounded in a feminist theoretical framework con- stituted by prominent perspectives of Radical- and Postcolonial feminism, ideal types are con- structed. The study examines what indicators of radical- and postcolonial feminism are identified in the problem formulation of “WPS” in the strategically selected resolutions 1820, 1889 and 2467, and what in the formulation remains unproblematized. The methodology is based on Bacchi’s “What’s the Problem Represented to be?” (WPR) tool, suited for “postmodern” discourse analysis of policy documents. International relations have become more “reflexive” moving the security dis- course towards “Human security”. Similarly, contemporary feminism has become more intersec- tional when creating the women-subject. The analysis finds Radical feminist indicators, however implicit, throughout the material. Sexual violence is, in correspondence with human security, for- mulated as a structural/political issue. The women-subject is however created homogeneously, an absence of intersectionality is shaping formulations. Postcolonial feminism is merely found in solu- tion formulations of the most recent resolution 2467. The formulations in 2467 changed to include a more intersectional approach and a heterogeneous women-subject. Enabling some contextual fac- tors. Finally, the dominating subject construction identified in all resolutions is characterized as “women need protection”. The construction entails women’s deviance from the male norm. The formulation ultimately indicates that women still are separated from agency.

During the UN World Summit 2005 all Member States of the United Nations unanimously accepted the Responsibility to protect- principle (R2P- principle), that each member state shall protect its own population from ethnic cleansing, genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. During the set-up of the United Nations and the Security Council’s veto system in the San Francisco Conference 1945, the five permanent members of the Security Council promised that their right to veto would be used “sparingly” and in the “interest” of the world organization, to safeguard “the International peace and security”. Despite the united acceptance of the R2P- principle to avoid mass atrocities since 2005, China have been detaining up to one million Uyghur, including Kazakhs in detainment camps, in former East Turkestan since the beginning of 2018. Since the passage to invoke the R2P- principle is by the Security Council, the question arises if- the veto would serve as a deadlock on the R2P- principle if China could veto such decision. The purpose of the thesis have therefore been to analyze if the R2P- principle is inefficient against the Security Council’s veto system, by targeting China’s opportunity of vetoing the R2P- principle. The conclusion have been that the R2P- principle is inefficient against the Security Council’s veto system. This is because a permanent member can block the R2P- principle by either vetoing or double vetoing a draft resolution, which have been demonstrated by illustrating how China could veto the R2P- principle. Since the decisions of the Security Council cannot be appealed or dissent in terms of the veto card and UN Charter, it leaves the R2P- principle inefficient with a weak operational legitimacy against the Security Council’s powerful veto system, on the cost of human lives.

Många frågor har gått från att inte handla om politik till att bli politiserade, men det finns ytterligare ett steg – när en fråga blir så brådskande och hotande att den anses vara för viktig för att lämnas åt politiker, så har den blivit säkerhetiserad. En av de mest debatterade frågorna på senare år har varit klimatförändringar, särskilt efter Agenda 2030 och Parisavtalet antogs. Står klimatförändringar nu inför att säkerhetiseras? Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka om klimatfrågan har blivit säkerhetiserad i FN:s Säkerhetsråd under mandatperioden 2017-2018. Olika inramningar från Säkerhetsrådets medlemmar identifieras och kategoriseras, för att sedan undersöka hur dessa inramningar resonerar med publiken. Detta tillåter oss att se vilka inramningar som har accepterats av rådet och vilka inramningar som ignoreras, för att analysera om vissa specifika inramningar har säkerhetiserats och andra inte. Uppsatsens främsta slutsats är att Säkerhetsrådet enhälligt har säkerhetiserat klimatförändringar som ett regionalt problem, men inte som ett globalt. Vissa medlemmar har utan framgång försökt ta säkerhetiseringen längre, men att säkerhetisera frågan på lägre nivå är även det nytt för Säkerhetsrådet. Vidare forskning kan exempelvis fokusera på vilka anledningar som förekommer för att motsätta sig säkerhetisering av klimatförändringar som ett globalt problem, jämföra säkerhetiseringen i Säkerhetsrådet med andra forum eller undersöka de praktiska effekterna av regional säkerhetisering. / Many issues have taken the journey from being non-political to being politicized, but there is one further step – when an issue becomes so urgent and threatening that it is considered too important to be left in the hands of our politicians, it has become securitized. One of the most debated issues of recent years has been climate change, especially after the adoption of the 2030 Agenda and the Paris Agreement. Does climate change now stand on the brink of securitization? The purpose of this thesis is to examine whether the issue of climate change has been securitized in the UN Security Council during the term of 2017-2018. Different ways in which members of the Council have framed the issue are identified and categorized, before looking at how these frames resonate with the audience. This allows us to see which frames are accepted by the Council and which frames are disregarded, in order to analyze if some specific frames have been securitized while others have not. The main finding of this thesis is that the Security Council unanimously has securitized climate change as a regional issue, but not as a global one. Some members have unsuccessfully tried to take the securitization further, but even a smaller-scaled securitization of climate change is new to the Council. Further research could, for example, focus on what the reasons are for opposing securitization of climate change as a global issue, compare the securitization in the Council with other forums, or study the practical effects of regional securitization.

The analysis of the rules evolution, in particular internationally, demonstrates normative and principles conflicts that serve as power play instrument and the colonizer-colonized dichotomy, even when its essence is directed to the maintenance of peace. The the Responsibility While protecting (RWP) presented by Brazil in 2011, within the context of the development of global standards, permeated by non-linear conflictual interactions, where the interventions based on a Responsibility to Protect(R2P) civilians, have challenged the existing structures in the global order and therefore has sparked great debate regarding the prevalence of decisions emanating from the United Nations Security Council - UNSC against the sovereignty and self-determination of peoples, since there is no control of legality and legitimacy of that discretion which the United Nations - UN holds. In this sense, the present work aims to analyze if the Responsibility to Protect can be considered as an attempt to influence from the Global South countries in the production of global standards and this can work as a capable principle of safeguarding the coercive nature of measures by of the UNSC, a way of accountability that implies a large extent by the level of responsibility of emanating acts from the UN Security Council that determ interventions, and what tools are needed for the Responsibility to Protect is an effective tool of prior control of legality and legitimacy. In order to meet this goal, we adopted a dialectical approach, drawing on the monographic method, through bibliographical and documentary research and interdisciplinary literature, among others that apply to the subject under study. / A análise da evolução das normas, em específico no âmbito internacional, demonstra conflitos normativos e principiológicos que servem de instrumento de reprodução de poder e da dicotomia colonizador-colonizado, mesmo quando sua essência está voltada para a manutenção da paz. O Princípio da Responsabilidade ao Proteger (RWP, sigla em inglês), apresentado pelo Brasil em 2011, surge no contexto da evolução das normas globais, permeadas por interações não lineares conflituosas, onde a implementação cada vez maior de intervenções baseadas em uma Responsabilidade de Proteger (R2P, sigla em inglês) civis, tem desafiado as estruturas existentes na ordem global e por isso tem suscitado grande debate no que toca a prevalência de decisões emanadas do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas - CSNU face à soberania e a autodeterminação dos povos, uma vez que não há um controle de legalidade e legitimidade desse poder discricionário do qual a Organização das Nações Unidas - ONU é detentora. Nesse sentido, a presente dissertação visa analisar se a Responsabilidade ao Proteger pode ser considerada como uma tentativa de influência a partir dos países do Sul Global na produção de normas globais e se esta pode funcionar como um princípio capaz de acautelar as medidas de natureza coercitiva por parte do CSNU, isto é, uma forma de accountability que implique em um maior nível de responsabilidade por parte dos atos emanados do Conselho de Segurança da ONU que determinem intervenções, bem como quais são os instrumentos necessários para que a Responsabilidade ao Proteger seja uma ferramenta eficaz de controle prévio de legalidade e legitimidade. De forma a cumprir esse objetivo, adotou-se uma abordagem dialética, valendo-se do método monográfico, por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental e literatura especializada interdisciplinar, dentre outras que aplicáveis ao tema em estudo.

This thesis explores the pressing need for reform within the United Nations Security Council, a key organization in global governance, in the form of a case study. The main purpose of the research is to understand how its reform could enhance its legitimacy while attending to the possible opposition from the USA, China, and Russia. It encompasses historical information, from the League of Nations to the reform proposals throughout history, culminating in the present debates, as well as useful theoretical approaches for the analysis. Through the Syrian Civil War, it describes the Council struggle to handle contemporary geopolitical issues. The insights of the Intergovernmental Negotiations Framework and the Elements Paper are crucial to research the current reform debates, and other literature from scholars, International Organizations and media are also employed. The analysis investigates the research question and hypothesis, and the conclusion helps summarize the findings. The thesis serves as a call for a better articulated Security Council that can better confront the complexities of our multipolar world with effectivity and effectiveness.