Urban homelessness is one of the most blatant forms of social exclusion in advanced capitalist societies. In Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom, homelessness has become particularly entrenched due to systemic forces such as global economic recession, the restructuring of regional economies, the dismantlement of the welfare state, and the erosion of affordable housing that together have pushed more people towards economic marginality and housing insecurity. Despite years of advocacy and 'high profile' government investments, homelessness has persisted as an intransigent social problem. A central purpose of this doctoral thesis is to provide some insight into how homelessness is being 'managed' in one Canadian city. The papers gathered together in this dissertation are based on three years of ethnographic fieldwork (conducted between 2006 and 2009) in a medium-sized, de-industrializing city in the province of Ontario. The specific focus of the thesis is the emergency shelter system. Over the past ten years, a number of new social service models have emerged in response to rising rates of homelessness. As these have been adopted homeless shelter systems in many Canadian cities have undergone significant reconfigurations. This thesis focuses on some of the new 'management spaces' that are emerging in this unfolding policy context. The first paper explores the experiences of voluntary sector organizations and local state authorities. The second paper explores the experiential dimensions of a unique service environment providing emergency shelter and social services. The third paper examines the personal experiences of chronically homeless men as they adapt to life in an innovative 'special care' facility. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

La présente étude a pour objectif de comprendre l’expérience d’itinérance des femmes inuit du Nunavik installées à Montréal dans les trois phases de leurs trajectoires, soit le prédéplacement, le déplacement et le postdéplacement. Le cadre d’analyse privilégié est celui de l’approche intersectionnelle, car il invite à reconnaître la pluralité des composantes identitaires qui s’entrecroisent de façon unique dans l’expérience personnelle et collective, et amènent les femmes à cumuler les sources de vulnérabilité. Cette approche privilégie l’étude du point de vue des femmes marginalisées en leur laissant la parole, ce qui a été fait grâce à la méthode des récits de vie. L’échantillon a été construit sur la base de deux groupes afin d’explorer l’expérience d’itinérance incluant la sortie : cinq participantes étaient itinérantes et six autres se disaient sorties de la rue au moment des entretiens. Cette recherche a été développée en collaboration avec une interprète culturelle et linguistique. Les données proviennent d’observations, d’une informatrice-clé et de vingt-et-une entrevues. Dix des onze participantes ont été rencontrées à deux reprises. Après une première entrevue non directive, le récit de vie de chacune a fait l’objet d’une analyse thématique et a été recomposé sous forme de trajectoire résumée graphiquement. La seconde entrevue démarrait par la présentation de cette trajectoire résumée pour inviter les femmes à participer à une validation des données en plus d’enrichir leur récit. Les résultats confirment certains résultats d’études tout en apportant des éléments nouveaux. Par exemple, le handicap, conjugué au genre, expose particulièrement les femmes inuit à la violence communautaire et interpersonnelle au Nunavik. Les commérages, perçus comme abusifs et oppressants par les femmes, font partie d’une intense violence communautaire au Nord et motivent le déplacement de celles-ci vers Montréal. Avec la récente sédentarisation, la vie en grande proximité exacerbe l’importance des commérages. Quant à la sortie de rue, elle est particulière aux femmes inuit : le copain détient un pouvoir d’inflexion de leurs trajectoires d’itinérance. Les femmes conçoivent le copain comme une clé culturelle leur donnant accès au système de logement puisqu’il connaît les rouages culturels et structurels de la vie à Montréal. / This study aims to understand the homelessness experience of Inuit women native to Nunavik who are living in Montreal in the three stages of their trajectories: pre-displacement, displacement and post-displacement. An intersectional approach was chosen as the appropriate analytical framework because it allows the recognition of the plurality of the components of these women’s identities, which intersect in a unique way throughout their personal and collective experiences, and cause them to cumulate sources of vulnerability. This approach favours the study from the point of view of the marginalized women by giving them a voice, which has been made possible here with the life history method. The sample was composed of two groups in order to explore the experience in and out of homelessness, as five participants were homeless and six others claimed to have gotten off the streets at the time of the interviews. This research was done with the help of a linguistic and cultural interpreter. The data sources were: observations, a key informant and twenty one interviews. Ten of the eleven participants were interviewed twice. After a first non-directive interview, a thematic analysis of each participant’s life story was conducted and their stories were recomposed graphically in order to form summarized trajectories. The second interview started off with the presentation of each individual’s summarized trajectory so that these women may validate the data and enhance each of their stories. The results of this study confirm the results of previous ones, while also adding new elements. For example, the handicap conjugated to gender particularly exposes Inuit women to community violence and interpersonal violence in Nunavik. Perceived as abusive and oppressing to women, gossip is an element of the intense community violence in the North and motivates them to move to Montreal. With the recent adoption of a sedentary lifestyle, living in closeness exacerbates the intensity of this gossip. The getting off the streets is particular for Inuit women: the boyfriend holds the inflexion power on their homelessness trajectories. Women think of their boyfriend as a cultural key that gives them access to the housing system because he knows the cultural and structural mechanisms of Montreal’s life. / ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑎᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᑐᕌᒐᖃᕐᑐᑦ ᑐᑭᓯᒐᓱᐊᕐᓂᒥᒃ ᐊᕐᓇᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᑐᐃᓐᓇᐅᓱᑎᒃ ᓄᓇᕕᒻᒥᐅᔭᓂᒃ ᑕᒪᓂᕐᕿᔪᓂᒃ ᒪᓐᑐᕆᐊᓪᒥ ᐱᖓᓱᐃᓕᕿᖓᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕐᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐊᕐᖁᓯᓂᖏᓐᓂ ᑕᒪᓂᕐᕿᓚᐅᕋᓂ ᓇᓃᓐᓂᕕᓂᖓ, ᐊᐅᓪᓚᓂᕕᓂᖓ ᑕᒪᓂᕐᕿᓕᕐᓂᖓᓗ. ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑎᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐊᒥᓱᐃᓄᑦ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᕐᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᑐᑭᓯᑦᓯᐊᕈᑎᐅᒐᓱᐊᕐᓱᑎᒃ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᖓᓂᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᑑᑎᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᓇᒻᒥᓂᖅ ᐊᒥᓱᓃᑦᓱᓂᓗ ᓱᒧᓪᓗ ᐊᑦᑕᓇᕐᑐᒦᑎᒻᒪᖔᑕ. ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑎᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐊᕐᓇᓂᒃ ᓂᐱᖃᕐᑎᓯᔪᑦ ᑐᑭᓯᑦᓯᐊᕈᑎᐅᒍᓐᓇᑐᑦ ᓇᒻᒥᓂᖅ ᐅᓂᒃᑲᐅᓯᖏᒍᑦ ᐃᓅᓯᕐᒥᓂ. ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᐅᑎᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᒪᕐᕈᐃᓂᒃ ᑐᑭᓯᒐᓱᐊᕈᑎᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᑕᒪᓂᕐᕿᓱᑎᒃ ᖃᓄᐃᑦᑐᑰᓲᖑᒻᒪᖔᑕ ᐃᓚᐅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᑕᒪᓂᕐᕿᒍᓐᓀᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑎᑭᐅᑎᓂᖅ: ᑕᓪᓕᒪᑦ ᑕᒪᓂᕐᕿᓚᐅᔪᑦ ᐱᖓᓲᔪᕐᑐᓗ ᐊᐱᕐᓱᑕᐅᓂᖃᕐᑎᓗᒋᑦ ᑕᒪᓂᕐᕿᒍᓐᓀᓂᕋᓚᐅᔪᑦᓱᑎᒃ. ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕐᓂᐅᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐊᑑᑎᓚᐅᔪᖅ ᐃᓗᕐᖁᓯᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑐᑭᓯᒪᔪᒥᒃ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᖃᑎᖃᕐᓱᑎᒃ ᑐᓵᔨᖃᕐᓱᑎᓪᓗ. ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑎᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐱᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᑕᑯᓐᓇᓱᒋᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓘᕐᓂᖏᑦ, ᑐᑭᓯᑎᑦᓯᔨᓂᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᕙᑎᓪᓗ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᕐᓗᓂᑦ ᐊᐱᕐᓱᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᑦ. ᖁᓕᑦ ᖁᓕᓪᓗ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᕐᓗᓂᑦ ᐊᐱᕆᔭᐅᓚᐅᔪᓂᑦ ᒪᕐᕈᕕᑦᓱᑎᒃ ᐊᐱᕆᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ. ᓯᕗᓪᓕᐹᒥ ᑐᕃᓐᓇᖏᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᐱᕆᔭᐅᒍᑎᖃᕐᓱᑎᒃ ᐃᓅᓯᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑐᑭᓯᓇᕐᑎᓯᑦᓱᑎᒃ. ᑐᖓᓕᐊᓂ ᐊᐱᕆᔭᐅᓂᖓ ᓴᕐᕿᑎᑦᓯᒍᑎᐅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐅᓂᒃᑲᐅᓯᖏᑦ ᓱᓕᑦᓯᐊᒪᖔᑕ ᓈᒻᒪᓈᕐᓯᒪᑦᓯᐊᒪᖔᑕ. ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑎᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓱᕐᖁᐃᓯᒍᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᐃᓚᒋᐊᕆᒍᑎᐅᑦᓱᑎᓪᓗ ᓄᑖᓂᒃ. ᐆᑦᑐᕋᐅᑎᒋᓗᒍ, ᐃᓗᓯᕐᓘᑎᖃᕐᓂᖅ, ᓴᕐᕿᔮᓗᐊᖕᖑᐊᓲᑦ ᐊᑑᑎᔭᐅᑦᓱᑎᒃ ᐊᕐᓇᓄᑦ ᓄᓇᕕᒻᒥ ᓄᓇᓕᒻᒥᓂ ᐱᓗᑲᑦᑕᐅᓂᖅ ᓇᒻᒥᓂᕐᓗ. ᒪᖓᑦᓯᖃᑦᑕᓂᖅ ᓵᓚᕐᖄᖃᕈᑎᐅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐊᕐᓇᓂᒃ ᐊᑑᑎᔪᒻᒪᕆᐊᓗᒃ ᑕᕐᕋᒥ ᓄᓇᓕᓐᓂ ᑖᒃᑯᓄᖓᓗ ᐊᐅᓪᓛᓚᕿᓯᒪᒍᑎᐅᑦᓱᓂ ᒪᓐᑐᕆᐊᓪᒧᑦ. ᓄᓇᓕᒻᒨᔭᕐᑕᐅᖃᒻᒥᐅᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᒪᖓᑦᓯᖃᑦᑕᓂᖅ ᐃᓄᓐᓂᒃ ᓱᕐᕃᓯᒪᔪᒻᒪᕆᐅᒻᒪᑦ. ᑕᒪᓂᕐᕿᓚᕿᓯᖃᑦᑕᑐᑦ ᐊᕐᓇᓗᐊᖕᖑᐊᑦ: ᐃᑦᑐᓱᒥᓄᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑕᐅᓂᕐᓗᓱᑎᒃ ᐊᕐᖁᑎᒥᐅᕈᖃᑦᑕᑐᑦ. ᐊᕐᓀᑦ ᐊᐅᓪᓛᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᓂᕐᕋᑖᕈᓐᓇᕈᒪᑦᓱᑎᒃ ᑕᒪᑐᒥᖓ ᐊᑑᑎᓚᕿᖃᑦᑕᑐᑦ ᐱᐅᓯᐅᔪᑦ ᒪᓕᑦᓱᒋᑦ ᐃᓅᖃᑎᒌᓂ.