<p>This thesis is based on the implementation of a bilateral rural development program in Burkina Faso. The main purpose of this study was to put the actual implementation process of a bilateral development program in view. This was done by investigating how two dominant perspectives in the implementation literature can explain what in fact happens during the realization of an aid program. A further aim of the thesis was to explore the limitations of these two dominant theories, in order to get a full understanding of the complexity of the realization of an aid program. Based on the implementation theory, this study shows that the realization of an aid program can be understood from three different angles. Firstly, through a top-down perspective, we can understand the process as an implementation problem, where the organisation fails to put policy into effect. Secondly, from the bottom-up perspective, the importance of the formal decision is questioned. Consequently the implementation process can be explained by the interaction among those involved in an implementation structure where the implementation takes place. Thirdly, also from the bottom-up perspective, the implementation process can be seen as a negotiation process between those who seeks to put policy into effect and those upon whom policy outcome depends. The result of this study shows that the top-down, as well as the bottom-up perspective, can be useful to explain the implementation process of a bilateral program. Yet they cannot alone give us the full picture. The analysis from a bottom-up view plays an important role as it explores the complexity both within and between organisations, in which the complexity outside the control of the formal organisation is also discovered. Nevertheless, this perspective has its limitations. As it does not consider an explicit theory, it overlooks the factors that are affecting the behavior on the ground. The top-down analysis is interesting in the context of development cooperation as it analyzes whether an organisation has the capacity to put policy into effect. Yet the top-down approach has a rational way of examining the implementation process and does not reflect on different reasons for various behaviors. As this perspective is restricted to the formal decision, it fails to analyse what side effects the realization process can bring. Neither implementation theories take into account how institutional factors, in a global context, are influencing the local situation where the implementation takes place. This thesis argues that institutional factors (in terms of norms) could give complementary explanations to the implementation theories, in order to develop our understanding for the realization of a program. By regarding the implementation process as a part of a greater process of development cooperation, complementary explanations could be given about why actors behave like they do. Particularly within the actual context of strong changing trends among donors concerning how sustainable development can be achieved. This study claims that we could learn more about development programs as a whole by illuminating the implementation process itself. Considering the changes in development cooperation, in which the processes and ownership-based programs are gaining importance, the implementation theory is fruitful as it highlights the process.</p>

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<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>The principal objective of this inductive study is to map the communication methods that are being used in the organization Sister Namibia. I intend to find communication mechanisms that together can constitute a communication framework. The main questions at issue are; How is the organization working from a communication perspective? What methods and channels are central for their external communication work? What messages are they trying to convey to the target group? The questions will generate in analyses and deeper understandings of communication processes in a NGO.</p><p>The conceptual approach for the study is Development Communication, which can be seen as the integration of strategic communication in development projects. Communication for Social Change is an approach of development communication, where focus lays on an elaborated social change agenda rather than the agenda of strategic communication. The study has a qualitative approach and it is built up as an inductive case study with the NGO Sister Namibia in focus.</p><p>Sister Namibia is a non governmental women organization that fights for women’s rights in the Namibian society. I have found several factors in their communication work that together can create a communication framework. Dialogue is vital in their communication work and it can be seen as a prerequisite for social change. Another central aspect of their communication framework is networking. Sister Namibia can be seen as a piece of puzzle in a bigger network that allows the organization to reach a wider audience and it is a strategy for how they can gain power, grow and establish deeper in the society. The diversity among women makes it necessary with a communication framework that provides flexibility, which includes different communication methods and channels depending on the target group. A holistic approach in the communication framework is important; the communication have to be focused on change at individual, societal and governmental levels. Furthermore, I have observed that to be able to understand processes of communication it is vital to look at the whole social context. In this social context knowledge, power, and material & social needs have been found as central aspects. They are needs and factors that are gained and created by individuals and groups in societies, and can be seen as prerequisites for social change to appear. Finally, this study shows the importance of looking at communication not just as a tool for spreading information, but also as the goal of development. Through communication it is possible to create a social environment where private and public dialogue can take place.</p><p>Keywords: Development communication, Communication for Social Change, NGO, Dialogue, Networking, Flexibility, Holistic approach.</p>

No description available.

<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>The principal objective of this inductive study is to map the communication methods that are being used in the organization Sister Namibia. I intend to find communication mechanisms that together can constitute a communication framework. The main questions at issue are; How is the organization working from a communication perspective? What methods and channels are central for their external communication work? What messages are they trying to convey to the target group? The questions will generate in analyses and deeper understandings of communication processes in a NGO.</p><p>The conceptual approach for the study is Development Communication, which can be seen as the integration of strategic communication in development projects. Communication for Social Change is an approach of development communication, where focus lays on an elaborated social change agenda rather than the agenda of strategic communication. The study has a qualitative approach and it is built up as an inductive case study with the NGO Sister Namibia in focus.</p><p>Sister Namibia is a non governmental women organization that fights for women’s rights in the Namibian society. I have found several factors in their communication work that together can create a communication framework. Dialogue is vital in their communication work and it can be seen as a prerequisite for social change. Another central aspect of their communication framework is networking. Sister Namibia can be seen as a piece of puzzle in a bigger network that allows the organization to reach a wider audience and it is a strategy for how they can gain power, grow and establish deeper in the society. The diversity among women makes it necessary with a communication framework that provides flexibility, which includes different communication methods and channels depending on the target group. A holistic approach in the communication framework is important; the communication have to be focused on change at individual, societal and governmental levels. Furthermore, I have observed that to be able to understand processes of communication it is vital to look at the whole social context. In this social context knowledge, power, and material & social needs have been found as central aspects. They are needs and factors that are gained and created by individuals and groups in societies, and can be seen as prerequisites for social change to appear. Finally, this study shows the importance of looking at communication not just as a tool for spreading information, but also as the goal of development. Through communication it is possible to create a social environment where private and public dialogue can take place.</p><p>Keywords: Development communication, Communication for Social Change, NGO, Dialogue, Networking, Flexibility, Holistic approach.</p>

<p>This report presents findings from research in Ribáuè district, Nampula province, in northeast Mozambique. Our aim was to understand the living conditions of the impoverished elderly and identify strategies that may improve their situation. We conducted semi-structured interviews with elderly people, including some of the most vulnerable and some who receive income from the social assistance programme. To gain a wider context we met representatives of governmental and non-governmental organisations and referred to secondary sources.</p><p>We use the Sustainable Rural Livelihoods framework to present the capital assets (natural,social, financial, physical and human) of Ribáuè district and of its elderly inhabitants. We consider how access to assets is affected by political, economic and cultural factors in the community. We set the situation of the elderly against the development history of postindependence Mozambique, and international concern about poverty, the ageing population and their human rights.</p><p>We find that social assets in the form of human relationships, and natural assets in the form of land, are essential for elderly people’s livelihoods. Most of the elderly have very limited access to financial assets, apart from the few who receive social ssistance. This programme makes a very small but appreciated contribution to family welfare. However the programme’s reach has been limited geographically and eligibility regulations tend to obstruct access for the very poorest. In general the human capital of the rural and uneducated elderly is declining, as society increasingly values modern skills and knowledge. However the Ribáuè residents we met experience some benefit from infrastructure modernisation. Elderly people are receiving more attention, especially as carers of children.</p><p>We have identified existing strategies for improving elderly people’s livelihoods. We suggest ways to build on these, as well as possible new strategies. If development policies are both equitable and successful, increased employment and taxation should enable formal pension and social security systems to provide for the elderly in the long-term future. In the short to medium term, expansion of the social assistance programme must be prioritised, as it is vital to the most vulnerable. It is also important that people’s customary engagement in mutually supportive social networks is strengthened rather than undermined by development changes.</p><p>Key words: Mozambique, Nampula, elderly, social assistance, the food subsidy program (PSA), Sustainable Rural Livelihoods (SRL)</p>

<p>In the spring of 2009 we spent five weeks in Mozambique performing a field study. Four of the weeks were spent in Nampula province in the northern part of the country, where most of the Mozambican cashew is produced. In the 1970s Mozambique was world leading in cashew kernel export, however, today the industry is a shadow of its former self. Since the end of the 1990s, the government along with other stakeholders, are trying to recuperate the industry. There are a great deal of obstacles to overcome to be able to compete with other large exporting countries such as India, Vietnam and Brazil. The main issue is the conditions of the trees; the majority of the trees are over forty years old and therefore have a low cashew yield. In addition, poor maintenance of the trees further decreases the production. Other problems are the infrastructure, in particular roads in poor condition, difficulties in locating markets and the income gap between the producer and end retailer.</p><p>During our research we have thought of a few recommendations which we feel would be worth looking into. We feel cheaper seedling should be available for the producers and nurseries should be put more locally for easier access. We also recommend spraying of the trees to be done more frequently. Furthermore a prerequisite for an expansion of the cashew industry is an investment in the infrastructure, to be able to transport the cashew from producer to processor and exporter. This would also improve life quality of the people in general. In addition, an investment in the poorest is necessary for the development of the country, a tool for achieving this could be better access to micro credits and village banks. To increase the income generated from Mozambican cashew kernels we recommend focusing the export on Fair Trade and possibly the organic market since they provide higher prices. A possibility to locating new markets would be an office, possibly in Europe, in order to be closer to the costumers. Another income generating market could be the market for by-products such as Cashew Nut Shell Liquid, cashew oil and juice and jam from the fruit.</p>

<p>This is a theoretical study of changing relations between men and women in the context of modernisation. Ideas derived from a general theoretical discussion will be illustrated by examples from countries that are going through societal changes affecting the lives of men and women; Uganda, Morocco and Mexico. Focus will be on connections between changes in the public sphere and interpersonal relations in the private sphere. One part examines certain effects of women’s increased participation in politics and in the workforce, concluding that these changes may cause conflicts with traditional values and consequently tensions in inter-gender relations. The following part examines sexuality and respectability in relation to societal changes where people’s material conditions change and attitudes are affected by information flows from other countries. The examples in this part illustrate how young people, especially women, feel trapped between the demands from their new reality and traditional norms about how to behave. I then go on to discuss power structures that affect women’s possibilities to live the lives they want and also how it may affect their values and interests. The concept of empowerment will be discussed as well as the indicators used to measure women’s empowerment. In this section I will also briefly explain development projects directed towards women and how they sometimes fail to capture all dimensions necessary.</p><p>The conclusions are that the definition of modernisation that I had when I started this work is not sufficient to understand the processes that people go through. It is important to understand that changes in people’s material conditions, their economic environment etc. are not always caused by, or even followed by, changes in attitudes, values and interpersonal relations. When societal changes do not come from within the society they will cause conflicts between norms that shape peoples perceptions and the demands from their new material environment. Another conclusion is that in measuring women’s empowerment we need to look at other factors besides economic and political participation, such as women’s status in the family and their control over their own bodies.</p>

<p>“Unemployment is a restriction of people’s social</p><p>networks and the feeling of participation in the society”</p><p>-Marita Eastmond & Lisa Åkesson</p><p><strong>Abstract </strong></p><p>The main aim of this study is to discuss integration in the labour market by analyzing and discussing a governmental Proposition and a Pilot Project as well as the results of the field work herein carried out. In order to understand how integration in the labour market occurs and to provide some suggestions to improve the governmental documents, the concepts of securitization of migration and transnationalization of migration were used as analytical frameworks. The Pilot Project chosen is <em>Pilotverksamhet med etableringssamtal och etableringsplan – Uppdaterad projektplan med mål och riktlinjer för den utvidgade försöksverksamheten </em>based on the Proposition <em>2009/10:60</em> ”<em>Nyanlända invandrares arbetsmarknadsetablering – egenansvar med professionellt stöd”. </em>The research questions are 1) which questions are left aside from the Proposition and which are possible suggestions to the questions found? 2) How are the interviewees and the Pilot Project/Proposition affected by securitization of migration and transnationalization of migration? Furthermore, suggestions to improve the proposition were discussed. Interviews with primary and secondary stakeholders were also carried out. This analysis was carried out together with the results of the field work in Kronoberg (focused on residents of Araby, Arbetsförmedlingen and Växjö Kommun) in the view of the concepts of securitization and transnational migration issues. The method of this research is qualitative with an abductive approach. The result of this study indicates a number of issues to be improved in the Proposition document before the law be promulgated by the government, as well as some issues that hinder the integration process of the primary stakeholders. Reflection for future studies concerning the influence of securitization and transnationalization phenomena, as well as suggestions to improve people’s integration processes are presented in the conclusion of this study. </p><p>Keywords: Arbetsförmedlingen, Araby, county, immigration, integration, international migration, municipality, Kommun, policy, Proposition, securitization, Sweden, Swedish, Växjö</p>

<p>I denna uppsats avhandlas hotuppfattningar och strategier för maritim säkerhet i Östersjön ur ett svenskt perspektiv. Ökade varuflöden, oljetransporter och handel inom östersjöregionen har tillsammans med den snabba omvärldsutvecklingen bidragit till ett nationellt och transnationellt intresse för bibehållen maritim säkerhet i Östersjön.</p><p>Syftet med uppsatsen är att med kunskap om av regering och riksdag identifierade hot under perioden 1998-2009, analysera vilka strategier Sverige valt för att hantera hoten och bibehålla den maritima säkerheten.</p><p>För att identifiera hoten mot svenska intressen i Östersjön har teorin om det vidgade säkerhetsbegreppet använts för att med sektorerna; politik, ekonomi, samhälle, miljö samt militär identifiera de hot som regering och riksdag lyfter fram i propositioner och försvarsberedningar.</p><p>Strategierna som har analyserats har fokus både på svenskt nationellt såväl som transnationellt samarbete och berör både nutid och framtid.</p><p>Resultatet av uppsatsen visar att Sverige lägger allt mer fokus på transnationellt samarbete med bl.a. EU och de nordiska länderna men att även instruktioner till svenska myndigheter betonar ökat behov av samarbete för att hantera de identifierade hoten.</p>