This report is the result of an empirical investigation of everyday life in Victory Square, Vancouver, British Columbia. Three months of intensive, scheduled observation and participant observation were planned in order to investigate the hypothesis that there was a regular and meaningful organization, both spatially and socially, to the use and control of park space. The exploration was guided theoretically and methodologically by the research of human spatial behaviour at other spatial scales, from the indoor built environment to the scale of urban communities. Both systematically retrieved demographic statistics and spatial habits of park users, and more subjective anecdotal accounts of people's perceptions and specific behavioural episodes were gathered. This provided a well rounded statistical and phenomenological data bank from which to generalize. An instrument for objective assessment and classification of park users as to life style affiliation, a systematic schedule of information retrieval, and a 'behavioural map' on which to record unobtrusively derived data were central to a research strategy that did not impinge upon the natural, real life setting. The park was found to host a number of socially marginal life style groups who, as powerless outcasts of wider affluent society, coexisted, as a separate social world, in social and spatial harmony. Through the behavioural processes of tolerance, non-involvement, and passive readjustment, a parochial moral order existed which was demonstrated in rituals of interaction and collective patterns of spatial dominance. This socio-spatial order accorded incompatible life style groups a means of peaceful coexistence in a place of limited space and resources. Spatial behaviour in micro-scale outdoor public space has not previously been intensively investigated. This exploration, as a case study of one such environment, supports the hypothesis that, at all levels of social encounter, and at all spatial scales, available space is organized, used and controlled in a regular, ordered, and meaningful way to accommodate and integrate the social gatherings it hosts. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / Este trabalho tem como principal objetivo analisar as mobilizaÃÃes das elites polÃticas cearenses no estado, atravÃs dos jornais, em torno dos acontecimentos que ficaram marcados pelo embate polÃtico-ideolÃgico entre as direitas e as esquerdas brasileiras levando ao isolamento do governo JoÃo Goulart e que, posteriormente, culminaram com o golpe civil militar de 1964. Neste trabalho, estamos compreendendo a imprensa nÃo apenas como lugar de expressÃo de opiniÃes e posicionamentos, mas, sobretudo, como produtora de acontecimentos e atribuiÃÃes de sentidos. Deste modo, o nosso olhar esteve direcionado para analisar a construÃÃo e repercussÃo dos acontecimentos os quais estiveram situados entre a renÃncia de JÃnio Quadros e as mobilizaÃÃes em oposiÃÃo ao presidente JoÃo Goulart e que, de modo bastante tenso, culminaram no Golpe civil-militar de 31 de marÃo de 1964. Assim, preocupamo-nos em compreender o modo como a imprensa cearense esteve marchando em direÃÃo ao Golpe tornando-se um espaÃo de embate e conflito entre as direitas e esquerdas e de legitimidade para o movimento golpista. No CearÃ, os principais acontecimentos polÃticos da conjuntura nacional causaram desdobramentos fundamentais para que os grupos polÃticos locais se reorganizassem e passassem a defender o projeto de conspiraÃÃo golpista contra JoÃo Goulart. Deste modo, buscamos compreender a forma como os grupos polÃticos se reorganizaram durante os primeiros meses apÃs a concretizaÃÃo do golpe de 1964, especialmente quando esses, organizaram as âMarchas da VitÃriaâ, manifestaÃÃes ocorridas entre os meses de abril e maio, visando comemorar a vitÃria do golpe. AlÃm disso, compreender o modo como a imprensa cearense exerceu o papel de mobilizaÃÃo e reconfiguraÃÃo das alianÃas polÃticas imediatamente apÃs a intervenÃÃo militar. / The main objective of this work is to analyze, through the newspapers, the mobilizations of political elites in Cearà around the events marked by the political and ideological struggle between the right and the left in Brazilâs politics that led to the isolation of the government of JoÃo Goulart and, later, led to the civil-military coup of 1964. In this work, we comprehend the press not only as a vehicle of expression of opinions and positions, but also as a producer of events and assignment of senses. Hence, we directed our attention to analyze the construction and transmission of events situated between the resignation of JÃnio Quadros and the movements of opposition to the president JoÃo Goulart that culminated in the civilmilitary coup of March 31, 1964. Thus, we were concerned to understand how the press in Cearà was marching towards the coup, becoming a space of conflict between the right and the left, and of legitimacy to the movement. In CearÃ, the major political events of national conjuncture caused fundamental developments for the local political groups to reorganize and to start defending the project of conspiracy against JoÃo Goulart. Therefore, we seek to understand the reorganization of the political groups during the first months after the Coup of 1964, especially when they organized the âMarches of Victoryâ (Marchas da VitÃria), between the months of April and May, to celebrate the victory of the Coup. In addition to that, we aim to understand how the press of Cearà influenced the mobilization and the reconfiguration of political alliances immediately after the.

The purpose of this study is to illuminate the role, the function, and the ironic outcome of the Victory in Vietnam Committee's campaign pamphlet to recall Senator Frank Church of Idaho in 1967. The VVC's political strategy was to build credibility with the media through the recall pamphlet. The analysis of the recall pamphlet shows the failure of the Victory in Vietnam Committee to adapt to the intended audience, the media. The pamphlet is further evaluated in the context of manichean rhetoric to highlight the unethical use of credibility building techniques and the ultimate goal of the VVC to stifle Church's dissent with respect to the Vietnam War. The irony of the Victory in Vietnam Committee's explanatory pamphlet is that instead of helping to oust Church by exposing his faults, it caused the downfall of the Victory in Vietnam Committee. / Graduation date: 1992

No abstract available. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1995.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Northern Baptist Theological Seminary, 2003. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 236-252).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Northern Baptist Theological Seminary, 2003. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 236-252).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Northern Baptist Theological Seminary, 2003. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 236-252).

The aim of the thesis is to study the pseudonymous letters of Aeschines, all of which purport to give an account of his sojourn in exile. There is a strong consensus among scholars that all the letters are forgeries, and their date of composition tends to be located in the first few centuries CE on linguistic grounds. Embracing a variety of literary forms, these letters were probably composed by multiple hands and may for convenience be divided into three categories: Letters 2, 3, 7, 11, 12 imitate the ‘Demosthenic’ letters in a manner similar to the Hellenistic (and beyond) historical declamations and progymnasmata; Letters 1, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10 come to us with features reminiscent of what German scholars would call Briefromane, or ‘epistolary novels’, and are normally deemed typical of the so-called Second Sophistic; and Letter 4 is a showpiece assuming the form of a Pindaric exegesis. The thesis consists of two parts. The first gives an extensive account of the letters, including their background, history of scholarship, and basic features, to seek to present the ‘forger’ and the text in their proper historical and cultural contexts. The second part, which constitutes the basis for the reflections developed in the first, provides a detailed commentary in thematic sequence. It begins with the ‘Demosthenic’ counterparts (Epp. 2, 3, 7, 11, 12), and stylistic comparisons are made throughout. The analysis of the fictional letters (Epp. 1, 5, 6, 8, 9) pays particular attention to their consistency of narrative and engagement with other literary genres. The commentary on Letter 4 foregrounds the Pindaric elements and completes the thesis. Letter 10 is discussed at sporadic points: it is a later attachment to the corpus and the erotic content is inconsistent with the ‘original’ forgeries. The overall focus of the thesis is on two overlapping aspects of Aeschines’ early reception in antiquity – as ‘the other orator’ beside Demosthenes and as inspiration for later rhetorical education. Existing studies, however, are more concerned with textual criticism and linguistic analysis and have left the letters almost unproductive in these respects: so Drerup (1904), Schwegler (1914), and, most recently, García Ruiz and Hernández Muñoz (2012). In his classic work Goldstein (1968) took the parallel passages in the pseudonymous letters as evidence for authenticating Demosthenes’ letters, and scholars are now able to take advantage of a more reliable reference when studying Ps.-Aeschines. Holzberg (1994), on the other hand, established a set of generic criteria for the Briefromane and has substantially changed the way we read Ps.-Aeschines: it is now possible to appreciate the literary value of the letters without scrutinising their authenticity. Yet both these studies tell us only half the story: while Goldstein left more remarks on the imitative counterparts of Demosthenes’ letters, Holzberg focused on the way the letters reflect the epistolary narrative. Following Rohde (1876/1960), moreover, it seems common sense to characterise the pseudo-historical tale as seen through the letters as a product of the ‘Second Sophistic’, though discoveries of new papyri, e.g. the Ninus romance c. first century BCE, undermined this assumption. My study is built on these investigations in an attempt to form the most extended analysis. The study of the ‘Demosthenic’ counterparts will contribute to a better understanding of Ps.-Aeschines’ intertextual engagement with Demosthenes and his successors, e.g. Ps.-Leosthenes (FGrH 105 F 6 = MP3 2496). It shows that Ps.-Aeschines owes a great deal to the culture of rhetoric and highlights his significance in the Nachleben of Attic oratory. As for the other letters, this thesis argues that they deserve some space in our accounts of the history of exilic, periegetic, and epinician literatures for contextualising a wide range of preexisting literary forms such as the Homeric Odyssey (Ep. 1) and Pindar’s victory odes (Ep. 4). As contingent by-products of the ‘Demosthenic’ counterparts, however, they seem to allow no confident judgement about generic consciousness, esp. the very notion of ‘novel’, and need to be approached as antedating the Imperial exponents. Contrary to the communis opinio, therefore, I attempt to move the date of composition forward to the late Hellenistic period, in which there was already ample encouragement for a sophist, as well as for his students, to write pseudonymous letters. The ‘traitors’ blacklist’ (Ep. 12.8–9) and the term for the Rhodian family of Diagoreans (Ep. 4.4) entertain this possibility inasmuch as both show marked affinities with the Hellenistic sources. Last but not least, the two coexisting, radically opposed interpretations of one’s civic orientation in exile will help us tackle the stability and change in the political cultures of the post-Classical era. My conclusion is that these letters hold a unique position as very early – and very illuminating – examples of how different literary, political trends were interwoven to make, and to remould, a Classic. It is hoped that this study may have done something to reappraise Ps.-Aeschines, who is, in all likelihood, a pre-sophisticated forerunner at a crossroads in the history of Greek literature.

Since the dawn of military thinking, theorists have been trying to find the key to victory in armed conflict. theories of classic thinkers like Jomini and Carl von Clausewitz represented two positions in the debate regarding the principles of war as universally applicable rules for battle, or as a tool for planning not capable of fully overcoming the complex reality of war. In the wake of the first world war the principles of war as formulated by Fuller following his experiences of the war, found its way into doctrine. Naval theory on the principles of war developed under the influence of these thinkers through Alfred Mahan and Julian Corbett and is still found in naval doctrine.  The debate of the validity of the principles however, is still enduring. In a world of constant technological innovation and increasing complexity their relevance is questioned. Despite of this, modern theories on principles for warfare are still emerging from theorists like Geoffrey Till. The purpose of this study is to test the applicability of Till´s modern naval principles of war against historical battles, and thus, the timeless claim of the theory.  The study examines the theoretical reach of Till´stheory regarding principles of war, intended for naval warfare. This theory, much like its precursors, have adopted the Jominian school of thought, sharing the ambition of universal applicability. Geoffrey Tills Creating Decisive Victorywas tested against three historical cases of naval warfare.  The results of the study partially support the universal and timeless claim of Till´s theory by being represented, though not wholly, in every case. Additionally, the result indicates that the theory partially suffers from its modern design, impeding its timeless applicability. This claim, however, must be supported by further research.

The city of Philippi was founded as a Roman military colony in 42 BC, directly following one of the largest battles of antiquity, the civil war battle of Philippi. This study shows that one hundred years later, at the time of writing of Paul’s letter to the Philippians, the identity of the city was still deeply connected to its military history. The apostle Paul found in the historical and sociological ties of the Philippians with the military reasons for drafting his letter in a rhetorical arrangement similar to the historical reports of commander’s speeches to his assembled troops before battle. Not only does the vocabulary of Paul’s ethical commands parallel the general’s harangues, as has been previously pointed out by Biblical scholarship, but in Paul’s letter one also finds correspondences to the three largest motifs of the general’s speeches: the objective of the war, the confidence for victory and the rewards for courage and obedience. The major unified theme of Philippians is the mutual military-partnership for the advance of the gospel in a hostile context (Phil. 1:7-12; 1:20; 2:19-24; 2:25-30; 3:12-15; 4:3; 4:10-19). Paul in his letter to the Philippians uses consistently military imagery – and not once athletic imagery, as typically assumed by exegetical scholars – to demonstrate that the courageous sharing of the faith will always result in victory for the one who proclaims Christ. This victory is guaranteed through the unsurpassable abilities of the supreme general, Jesus Christ, whose death on the cross and whose resurrection is portrayed as a military victory and whose exaltation by God the Father acknowledges Christ as the victorious general in an universal extent (Phil. 2:8-11). The victory of the gospel campaign is further guaranteed by the LORD’s initiation of the war for the spread of the faith and by His presence with those who fight in His behalf for the spread of the good news (Phil. 1:5-7; 2:12-13; 2:14-15; 3:1; 4:4). Victory in the Philippian context means either the reception of the gospel by unbelievers or the death of the messenger on account of rejection of and opposition to the gospel; the suffering of the emissary of the gospel serves to glorify Christ and it is compensated by the superior enjoyment of Christ at the resurrection (Phil. 1:19-25). The reward, which God promises to the messenger of the gospel is several times stated in Philippians to be the exalted experience of fellowship with Christ at the resurrection (Phil. 1:21; 3:8-11; 3:20-21; 4:3). The reading of Philippians in light of the appropriation of military terminology confirms that Paul’s main purpose in writing Philippians is to encourage his partners to continue to take risks, to be unafraid of suffering and to make sacrifices in order to boldly testify about Christ and to continue to financially contribute to the mission of spreading the faith. The book of Philippians challenges the contemporary self-centred prosperity culture of the church to take risks and make sacrifices for the proclamation of Christ to unbelievers, sacrifices, which are supremely compensated by a life for the glory of Christ and the surpassing promise of the enjoyment of the glory of God in His Son Christ Jesus. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2014 / New Testament Studies / unrestricted