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L’expression plastique des victoires navales opère tel un prisme à travers lequel s’observent les rites de célébration, les modes de commémoration et les desseins politiques de ses commanditaires. Il s’agit de s’intéresser à la naissance de cette image en remontant aux traditions grecques et romaines relatives au retour de guerre des soldats et à la célébration du succès. Ces coutumes à caractère cathartique ont inspiré les imagiers pour créer l’iconographie de la victoire navale. L’apparition des images et monuments pérennes exprimant la victoire, pourtant interdits dans la Grèce classique et réglementés à Rome par les valeurs républicaines, repose sur la prise de conscience du pouvoir politique de la revendication d’exploits militaires et sur des influences de pratiques orientales et macédoniennes qui accordaient la royauté à ses généraux pour des succès décisifs. L’expression de la victoire navale engendre une production artistique riche prenant des formes diverses, de la sculpture monumentale à la monnaie, en passant par la décoration privée, dans un but de diffusion massive. La confrontation des témoignages de la célébration et de la commémoration de la victoire sur mer, issus des deux mondes, sur tous les supports, permet de réunir l’ensemble des thèmes iconographiques qui appartient aussi bien aux domaines militaire, mythologique et religieux. L’examen des fonctions politiques de cet art démontre que ces manifestations ont été utilisées comme les supports de diffusion des idéologies. C’est ce détournement des succès militaires navals en propagande, devenu central dans la politique qui explique l’originalité et la subtilité des thèmes de la victoire navale. / The plastic expression of naval victories operates as a window through which can be observed the celebration rituals, commemoration modes and the political intentions of its bakers. The main purpose is to focus on the birth of this images dating back from the Greek and Roman traditions based on the returning soldiers and the celebration of success. These cathartic traditions were the artistic inspiration to create the iconography of the naval victories. Initially forbidden in the classic Greek era and regulated by Rome’s republican values and the influence based on the Eastern and Macedonian practices that gave kingship to his generals for decisive success, the appearance of images and monuments displaying victory started to show up as they realize the political power it implies to claim military achievements. Naval victory representations generated a rich artistic production in various and multiple forms, from sculptures to coins and even private home decoration; the goal was to be massively present. The Analogy between Roman’s and Hellenic’s celebration and commemoration of naval victories in all types of support allows a compilation of iconographic themes that belongs to the mythology, military and religious domains. The study of the political purpose of this art demonstrates that the representations were use as a broadcast support for ideologies. It’s the diversion of the naval military success into propaganda that became mainstream in politics and explains the originality and subtlety of naval victory themes.

人類書寫歷史，可視為文本不斷細小分割重組的過程，這種斷裂與重組的現象，及至超文本應用後臻至高峰。「超文本」並非單純將書寫媒介由紙張移植至螢幕，而是利用電腦「斷裂」、「交錯連結」、「非線」、「多向」等特質，營造與印刷技術截然不同的文本。它提供文本無比的可塑性，更具體實現了解構理論對「文本」的各種假設。 小說家波赫士曾於1962年假想一種混沌、斷裂、多向、非線性的小說型式;而德勒斯亦於1987年提出「遊牧」理論與「無中心」、「無階層」、「隨機組合」等概念。然而要在印刷小說中建構這種「歧路花園」，無非是緣木求魚，充份切割的傳統文本，充其量只是一堆碎紙片而已。墨梭則成功地以超連結整合碎裂辭片，具體在《勝利花園》中塑造了真正的「歧路」。在其獨特斷裂結構中，不但每個角色都擁有對等獨立的發聲空間，讀者更不再只是聽眾，而可以參與對話，平等發聲。 本論文分為四章，第一章專論超文本定義與演進；第二、三章試從「介面」與「情節」兩方面切入，分析墨梭超文本小說《勝利花園》如何實現德勒斯遊牧敘述與巴赫汀複調理論。最後則就當前超文本研究發展，提出未來展望。 / The history of human writing is a continual process of decomposition and re-permutation, and the process reached its climax after the application of hypertextual technology in the late twentieth century. Hypertext is not the simple transplantation of text from page to screen but an innovative technology which is fragmentary, interconnected, nonlinear and multidirectional. It provides an environment of incomparable textual malleability and further fulfills many deconstructive hypotheses about text. In 1962, Jorge Luis Borges suggested a fragmentary, chaotic, nonlinear and multidirectional narrative for the novel. In 1987, Gilles Deleuze presented the theory of nomadism and suggested the a-centered, non-hierarchic and randomly permuted structure. It was impossible, however, to create such a “Garden of Forking Paths” in the printed novel. The thoroughly decomposed text is nothing more than a heap of contradictory segments of paper. It is Stuart Moulthrop who successfully consolidated the fragmentary lexias with the hypertextual links and created a genuine “garden of forking paths” in Victory Garden. The fragmentary structure of Victory Garden helps the characters in the novel articulate themselves equally and independently, and the reader, the formerly auditor of the dialogue, can participate in the hyperfiction, too. This thesis is divided into four chapters. The first chapter introduces the rationale and the history of hypertext. The second and third concentrate upon the interface and the “plots” of Victory Garden respectively to see how it better fulfills Deleuze’s nomadism and Bakhtin’s theory of polyphony. In the final chapter, the future of hypertextual studies are discussed.

COSTA, Jucélio Regis da. Os jornais em marcha e as marchas da vitória nos jornais: a imprensa e o golpe civil militar no Ceará (1961-1964). 2015. 157f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em História, Fortaleza (CE), 2015. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-12-15T13:01:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_dis_jrcosta.pdf: 2164434 bytes, checksum: fcacab9fce36d073851b423ad5ee4e74 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-12-15T17:11:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_dis_jrcosta.pdf: 2164434 bytes, checksum: fcacab9fce36d073851b423ad5ee4e74 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-12-15T17:11:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_dis_jrcosta.pdf: 2164434 bytes, checksum: fcacab9fce36d073851b423ad5ee4e74 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / The main objective of this work is to analyze, through the newspapers, the mobilizations of political elites in Ceará around the events marked by the political and ideological struggle between the right and the left in Brazil’s politics that led to the isolation of the government of João Goulart and, later, led to the civil-military coup of 1964. In this work, we comprehend the press not only as a vehicle of expression of opinions and positions, but also as a producer of events and assignment of senses. Hence, we directed our attention to analyze the construction and transmission of events situated between the resignation of Jânio Quadros and the movements of opposition to the president João Goulart that culminated in the civilmilitary coup of March 31, 1964. Thus, we were concerned to understand how the press in Ceará was marching towards the coup, becoming a space of conflict between the right and the left, and of legitimacy to the movement. In Ceará, the major political events of national conjuncture caused fundamental developments for the local political groups to reorganize and to start defending the project of conspiracy against João Goulart. Therefore, we seek to understand the reorganization of the political groups during the first months after the Coup of 1964, especially when they organized the “Marches of Victory” (Marchas da Vitória), between the months of April and May, to celebrate the victory of the Coup. In addition to that, we aim to understand how the press of Ceará influenced the mobilization and the reconfiguration of political alliances immediately after the. / Este trabalho tem como principal objetivo analisar as mobilizações das elites políticas cearenses no estado, através dos jornais, em torno dos acontecimentos que ficaram marcados pelo embate político-ideológico entre as direitas e as esquerdas brasileiras levando ao isolamento do governo João Goulart e que, posteriormente, culminaram com o golpe civil militar de 1964. Neste trabalho, estamos compreendendo a imprensa não apenas como lugar de expressão de opiniões e posicionamentos, mas, sobretudo, como produtora de acontecimentos e atribuições de sentidos. Deste modo, o nosso olhar esteve direcionado para analisar a construção e repercussão dos acontecimentos os quais estiveram situados entre a renúncia de Jânio Quadros e as mobilizações em oposição ao presidente João Goulart e que, de modo bastante tenso, culminaram no Golpe civil-militar de 31 de março de 1964. Assim, preocupamo-nos em compreender o modo como a imprensa cearense esteve marchando em direção ao Golpe tornando-se um espaço de embate e conflito entre as direitas e esquerdas e de legitimidade para o movimento golpista. No Ceará, os principais acontecimentos políticos da conjuntura nacional causaram desdobramentos fundamentais para que os grupos políticos locais se reorganizassem e passassem a defender o projeto de conspiração golpista contra João Goulart. Deste modo, buscamos compreender a forma como os grupos políticos se reorganizaram durante os primeiros meses após a concretização do golpe de 1964, especialmente quando esses, organizaram as “Marchas da Vitória”, manifestações ocorridas entre os meses de abril e maio, visando comemorar a vitória do golpe. Além disso, compreender o modo como a imprensa cearense exerceu o papel de mobilização e reconfiguração das alianças políticas imediatamente após a intervenção militar.

L’étude du corpus épigraphique étolien et l’analyse des fragments du poète hellénistique Nicandre permettent de définir l’importance du mythe pour l’Étolie hellénistique: moyens privilégié pour relancer / créer des liens politiques ainsi que passepartout idéologique pour retravailler l’image publique de la Fédération comme rempart de la civilisation grecque contre la barbarie. En guise d’introduction, la première partie de la thèse retrace les fondements politico-diplomatiques de l’expansion étolienne au IIIe siècle av. J.-C. (extension de la politeia fédéral, adhésion à les dynamiques de la soi-disant kinship diplomacy ou diplomatie de la parenté) et enquête sur les liens (politiques économiques militaires cultuels) du koinon avec Attale I, sous le signe de Delphes ainsi que de la victoire sur le Celtes. La deuxième partie identifie à les épopoioi itinérants le moyen intellectuel de la création / diffusion d'un modèle positif de l'ethnos, en particulier dans les fragmentaires Aitolika nicandréens, où l’Étolie colonise l'ensemble du monde connu en vertu de sa descente titanide: l’autel de Zeus à Pergame affiche les reliques d’un thème titanide (premièrement) exploité par les Étoliens et véhiculée par les épéa de Nicandre. / The study of the Aetolian epigraphical corpus and the analysis of the fragments by Hellenistic poet Nicander allow to define the importance of myth for Hellenistic Aetolia: privileged means to revive/create political ties as well as ideological passepartout to rework the Federations’s public image as rampart of Greek civilization against barbarism. By way of introduction, the first part of the thesis traces the political-diplomatic foundations of 3rd-century BCE Aetolian expansion (extension of federal politeia, adherence to the dynamics of so called kinship diplomacy) and investigates the ties (political economic military cultic) the koinon had with Attalus I, keywords «Delphi» and «victory over the Celts». The second part identifies in the performances of travelling epopoioi the intellectual means of creation/dissemination of a positive model of the ethnos, particularly in the fragmentary Nicandrean Aitolika, where Aetolia colonizes the known world by virtue of her Titanic descent: Zeus’ Altar in Pergamum displays the relics of a Titanic theme (first) exploited by the Aetolians and conveyed by Nicander’s epea.

This thesis is set out with the purpose to investigate the potential shifts in how victory is presented in the duration of contemporary conflicts. The argumentation is focused on how democratic states, involved in wars, seem to announce different statements regarding victory in its outreach to its inhabitants. This paper will study the case of the American administration of George W. Bush, who initiated and ruled during the first years in the Global War on Terror. By investigating the seven annual State of the Union speeches in a combined quantitative–qualitative method, with Martel’s theoretical framework on victory, the analysis searched after such potential shifts or static usage of the linguistics approach to victory. The answer to the stated research question according to the study conducted by this author is that the publicly announced implications of victory have been subjected to an ongoing shift during the examined time period.

In this thesis, I argue that discourses of victimhood, victory, and xenophobia underpin both Sinhalese and Tamil nationalist and religious fundamentalist movements. Ethnic discourse has allowed citizens to affirm collective ideals in the face of disparate experiences, reclaim power and autonomy in contexts of fundamental instability, but has also deepened ethnic divides in the post-war era. In the first chapter, I argue that mutually exclusive narratives of victimhood lie at the root of ethnic solitudes, and provide barriers to mechanisms of transitional justice and memorialization. The second chapter includes an analysis of the politicization of mythic figures and events from the Rāmāyaṇa and Mahāvaṃsa in nationalist discourses of victory, supremacy, and legacy. Finally, in the third chapter, I explore the Liberation Tiger of Tamil Eelam’s (LTTE) rhetoric and symbolism, and contend that a xenophobic discourse of terrorism has been imposed and transferred from Tamil to Muslim minorities. Ultimately, these discourses prevent Sri Lankans from embracing a multi-ethnic and multi-religious nationality, and hinder efforts at transitional justice. By shedding light on the discourses underlying popular nationalist movements, I hope to promote understanding and further post-war reconciliation between ethnic groups in Sri Lanka. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

This dissertation attempts to fill a void in early modern English drama studies by offering an in-depth, cross-gendered comparative study emphasizing representations of women’s discursive agency. Such an examination contributes to the continuing critical discussion regarding the nature and extent of women’s potential agency as speakers and writers in the period and also to recent attempts to integrate the few surviving dramas by women into the larger, male-dominated dramatic tradition. Because statements about the nature of women’s speech in the period were overwhelmingly male, I begin by establishing the richness and variety of women’s attitudes toward marriage and toward their speech relative to marriage through an examination of their first-person writings. A reassessment of the dominant paradigms of the shrew and the silent woman as presented in male-authored popular drama—including The Taming of the Shrew and Epicene—follows. Although these stereotypes are not without ambiguity, they nevertheless considerably flatten the contours of the historical patterns discernable in women’s lifewriting. As a result, female spectators may have experienced greater cognitive dissonance in reaction to the portrayals of women by boy actors. In spite of this, however, they may have borrowed freely from the occasional glimpses of newly emergent views of women readily available in the theater for their own everyday performances, as I argue in a discussion of The Shoemaker’s Holiday and The Roaring Girl. Close, cross-gendered comparison of two sets of similarly-themed plays follows: The Duchess of Malfi and The Tragedy of Mariam, and A Midsummer Night’s Dream and Love’s Victory. Here my examination reveals that the female writers’ critique of prevailing gender norms is more thorough than the male writers’ and that the emphasis on female characters’ material bodies, particularly their voices, registers the female dramatists’ dissatisfaction with the disfiguring representations of women on the maledominated professional stage. I end with a discussion of several plays by women—The Concealed Fancies, The Convent of Pleasure, and Bell in Campo—to illustrate the various revisions of marriage offered by each through their emphasis on gendered performance and, further, to suggest the importance of the woman writer’s contribution to the continuing dialectic about the nature of women and their speech.