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Idag är det få som motsäger sig att människan är ansvarig för de klimatförändringar vi börjat uppleva. Globala överenskommelser visar sig vara svåra att formulera men regioner såsom EU har infört handeln med utsläppsrätter och allt fler enskilda nationer och verksamheter sätter nu upp egna mål för reduktioner av skadliga utsläpp. Vissa verksamheter går steget längre och har skapat interna kompensationssystem för sina aktiviteters klimatkonsekvenser. Studien har med hjälp av kvalitativa intervjuer undersökt sex verksamheter i Sverige som frivilligt valt att klimatkompensera internt. Här presenteras bakgrunderna till det interna valet, hur arbetena utformats liksom vilka lärdomar som kan dras från deras erfarenheter. Resultatet visar på en viss misstro till externa kompensationsprojekt men främst en vilja att ta ansvar och förbättra på hemmaplan först. Utformningarna skiljer sig och det är många praktiska omständigheter att ha i åtanke när verksamhetsintern klimatkompensation ska införas. Klimatnyttan av dessa arbeten är svår att beräkna, men verksamheterna vittnar om att det skapar en medvetenhet, vilken på sikt kan leda till förändrat beteende som sparar både pengar och miljö. / Nowadays, few people resist the fact that mankind is responsible for the climatic changes we are now beginning to experience. Global agreements seem difficult to form, but regions like the European Union has introduced an Emissions Trading Scheme, EU ETS. More and more nations and organizations are now also setting up their own emission reduction goals. Some organizations takes it even further and have created systems of carbon offsetting within their own organizations.This study has executed qualitative interviews with six Swedish organizations that have chosen internal carbon offsetting. Here you find their motives to compensate internally, how the work is designed and what lessons to be learned from their experiences. The results show a certain mistrust in external compensation-projects, but they mainly report a desire to take responsibility and to start improvements locally. The design of these works vary and there are many aspects of practicality to bear in mind when implementing internal carbon offsetting. The climatic benefits from these works are difficult to calculate, but the organizations claim that it creates a an awareness that, in the long run, can lead to an altered behavior, saving both money and the environment.

<p>This research project asks: to what extent are voluntary organizations included in the policy processes that make decisions regarding the needs and interests of atypical groups? Both urban Aboriginal peoples and Travellers are defined as atypical groups due to their indigeneity and their separate treatment by the state because of cultural differences characterized by nomadism, language and distinctive lifeways preserved by oral traditions. Their marginalization was exacerbated as they transitioned to urban centres after the middle of the twentieth century and the state, although it acknowledged these groups, did not accommodate their needs and interests. In an era of neoliberalism where significant responsibility for welfare has shifted to the voluntary sector, marginalized groups still require disproportionate assistance by the state in policy areas of education, health and housing and they rely on voluntary organizations to provide culturally appropriate programs and services and to advocate for their needs and interests. Applying a scalar analysis, this project isolated three key concepts that are interdependent yet distinct, that are critical to inclusion. First, is incorporation of culturally relevant programs on the micro scale. Second, is atypical group representation in policy processes on the meso scale. And third, their collaboration with government on the macro scale. On balance it appears that urban Aboriginal peoples in Canada have moved closer to inclusion in policy processes due to their success in incorporation, representation and collaboration. In contrast, Travellers in Ireland face greater obstacles in collaborating with government, which impacts on their representation in policy processes and their incorporation of programs and services to meet the needs and interests. The trajectory of these findings suggest that urban Aboriginal peoples will continue to collaborate with government and move closer to goals self-determination while Travellers will continue to struggle against prevailing societal domination to achieve ethnic minority status.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

This dissertation contributes to literature on postwar philanthropy and the Franco-American relationship. It examines the private voluntary relief organization, American Aid to France (AAF), which provided emergency supplies, rehabilitative services, and assisted in the reconstruction of France following the Second World War. Unlike other devastated European countries, Charles de Gaulle did not invite the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) to host a program, which limited France’s participation in the transnational relief movement of the immediate postwar period and allowed AAF to become the principal foreign private voluntary aid agency operating in Liberated France. From 1944 to 1956, AAF asserted that its assistance reflected the strength of the Franco-American alliance, and kinship felt between two countries with a shared history of liberal revolution and republicanism. AAF’s statements expressing “goodwill” and “historical friendship” towards France rapidly began to assume a more political tone as Cold War tensions intensified. From 1947 onward, AAF became increasingly outspoken in its support for capitalism, democracy, and international cooperation. These statements were crafted for, and appealed to, U.S. authorities who believed France was the key to containing communism in Europe. In reality, AAF’s main concern was redressing the destruction of Normandy caused by Allied bombing campaigns, and the organization showed no hesitation to work with mayors from across the political spectrum in devastated French communities to achieve this goal. AAF’s private voluntary status shielded the organization from French criticisms of Americanization chiefly aimed at the Marshall Plan. This dissertation demonstrates that AAF was part of an independent, robust private voluntary relief sphere that contributed to Europe’s recovery, and helped citizens in the United States and France come to terms with the transition from war to peace. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This dissertation contributes to literature on postwar philanthropy and Franco-American relations. It examines American Aid to France (AAF), one of hundreds of U.S. private voluntary relief organizations founded during the Second World War to help devastated civilians. Operating from 1944 to 1956, AAF’s efforts to provide emergency supplies, rehabilitative services, and assist in the reconstruction of Liberated France was a significant private affirmation of the Franco-American alliance during a period of increasingly tense international relations. Private voluntary relief organizations have been overlooked in scholarship in favour of larger agencies such as the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA), which has resulted in a considerable emphasis on transnationalism in the literature on postwar relief. Examining Franco-American relations through the prism of AAF’s relief reveals that a dynamic alternative network of private assistance, which operated firmly outside of the transnational relief movement, contributed in meaningful ways to France’s recovery.

No / The central concern of this article is to advocate an inclusive and pluralistic notion of a public sphere similar to those advocated by feminist writers such as Iris Marion Young and Nancy Fraser. These ideas complement the plethora of initiatives from statutory and voluntary agencies to take on board the participation and voices of children and young people. This reflects a movement away from simplistic top¿down governance through the State towards a co-production of governance through partnerships and community involvement. However, children's participation in this public sphere is constrained through the inhibition of children's voices. These inhibitions, it is argued, pervade the private and intermediary as well as public spheres of children's lives. Thus it is unrealistic to expect children to adjust to an undifferentiated and often hostile public arena.