<p>This Minor Field Study examines whether or not Batswana female master students at the University of Botswana, due to their university education, have become more politically aware and critical towards their national political system. Botswana has been chosen as a critical case on the basis of the country’s long lasting democracy and the Botswana’s positive attitude towards their government.</p><p>The research takes off in theories such as democratic and critical citizen’s theory and feminism. Based on these theories, an analytical framework with the core assumption that female university education creates politically critical women, has been developed. The study is based on ten qualitative interviews with female master students. The interview questions concern the respondent’s political awareness, participation and their perceptions of political institutions, regime principles and governmental performance.</p><p>The findings of the study are that university education makes women more politically aware, empowered and active, although we have found no significant correlation between university education and a rise in criticism among the interviewed women. However a majority of the respondents that actually have been affected by their education declare that they have become more politically critical.</p>

This dissertation develops a theory of postcolonial homophobia based on archival research and multi-sited ethnographic research in Haiti and its diaspora between 2008 and 2014. Postcolonial homophobia refers to the way that Euro-American imperialist discourses construct postcolonial nations as simultaneously too queer (resistant to modernity) and too homophobic (failed modernity), which respectively emerge from two transnational social movements, evangelical Christianity and global LGBTQI human rights. The dissertation demonstrates that the interplay of these discourses produces negative material effects for postcolonial subjects, including those under the signs of LGBT and other queer terms (e.g., masisi, madivin, makomé, bisex, omoseksyèl, trani). The six chapters provide detailed accounts of the effects of postcolonial homophobia in Haiti: cyclical outbreaks of homophobic violence, depoliticization of anti-imperialist resistance, and justification of foreign interventions.

This study examines from a gender perspective how the gender distribution is viewed in the content of Göteborgs-Posten's sports pages and the short and long term effects of the the newspaper's gender equality plan that was introduced in 2005. It is a quantitative study for two sample periods, 2005 and 2009, that investigates how many articles in the newspaper which is about women's sports and male sports. Michel Foucault's theory of discourse is central to the study, his view of identity in society and how these are represented fit well on gender issues in sports journalism. The results show that women's sport is greatly subordinate to man's sport in terms of number of articles. The gender equality plan has not had any noticeable effects on Göteborgs-Posten's sports pages. This is due to a variety of factors – economic aspects weigh heavily in this problem. / Denna studie undersöker utifrån ett genusperspektiv hur könsfördelningen ser ut i innehållet på Göteborgs-Postens sportsidor och vad tidningens jämställdhetsplan, som infördes 2005, fått för kortsiktiga och långsiktiga effekter. Det är en kvantitativ studie som under två urvalsperioder, 2005 och 2009, utreder hur många av tidningens artiklar som handlar om kvinnoidrott respektive mansidrott. Michel Foucaults diskursteori är central för studien då hans syn på identiteter i samhället och hur dessa representeras passar väl in på genusproblematiken inom sportjournalistiken. Resultatet visar att kvinnoidrotten är kraftigt underställd mansidrotten sett till antal artiklar. Jämställdhetsplanen har inte haft några märkbara effekter på Göteborgs-Postens sportsidor. Detta beror på en rad olika faktorer - de ekonomiska aspekterna väger tungt inom denna problematik.

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Despite Senegal’s ratifications of the UN Conventions CRC and the CEDAW, a noticeable discrepancy regarding secondary school attendance due to the pupil’s sex has been recognized in enrolment and fulfilment ratios. (www.unicef.org, 2011a) The main issue to be examined in this thesis was the teacher-students’ knowledge of girls’ right to education and their attitudes concerning the difference in pupils participating in secondary schools based on the pupil’s sex and how the matter is being addressed amongst teachers. Qualitative interviews were carried out amongst teacher-students at University of Cheikh Anta Diop, Dakar. We reflected upon the collected material mainly through theories of feminism and social constructivism, and moreover briefly through post-colonialism and structural functionalism, as well as in relation to previous research. We found that the respondents lacked deeper juridical knowledge concerning right to education. Overall the respondents expressed an ambiguity in their gender awareness, and their perception of girls’ education in relation to cultural traditions. The main obstacles for girls schooling were gender cultural traditions and socio-economic factors.

The purpose of this study is to find out how the non-governmental shelters for battered women identify themselves in context of their dependence and cooperation with the municipality. Their legitimacy is also investigated which is based on, along with identity, key concepts of the neoinstitutional organization theory. The mutual dependency between these two actors is problematized along with the question of who is responsible for assisting the battered women, and who takes on the responsibilities for them. The empirical result that is analyzed was gathered through three qualitative semi structured interviews with employed personnel at three different battered women’s shelters in three different municipalities in Sweden. Further, three qualitative semi structured interviews was held with a representative from the social services offices in those same municipalities. The results show that although the interaction between the battered women’s shelters and the municipalities vary a bit, all the battered women’s shelters are dependent on the municipalities in which they function for economic resources. It appears in the interviews that there is a mutual dependency whereas the social services rely on the knowledge and experiences the battered women’s shelters have gathered through the years, along with the low cost volunteer workers bring the organization.

<p>Diss. Umeå : Umeå universitet, 1998, härtill 8 delarbeten.</p> / digitalisering@umu

What, this project asks, are the impacts of the alliance between women and Native Americans in the nineteenth century debate over Indian Removal? How might groups similarly excluded from patriarchal systems of government by race and gender turn exclusion into arguments for inclusion? In what ways might this alliance change interpretations of the women’s right and Native American rights movements? While arguments made by women and Native Americans during Indian Removal receive considerable scholarly attention, most studies-especially those concerned with women’s involvement- subordinate Indian Removal to abolition or create significant omissions in the narratives of both movements by adopting a critical approach that interprets strategic use of racialized and gendered ideology as assimilation. In “ Creating Domestic Dependents” I fill these gaps and situate Indian Removal as a significant intersection of the Native American rights and women’s rights movements. Using historical romances by Catherine Sedgwick and Lydia Child, Catherine Beecher’s “Circular Addressed to the Benevolent Ladies of the United States,” the Cherokee Nation’s “1829 Memorial” and “Letter to the American People,” and domestic fiction by E.D.E.N Southworth and Nathaniel Hawthorne, I argue that, during Indian Removal, white women and the Cherokee come together to fight for rights by situating property-- the very thing used to exclude them-- at the center of their arguments for rights and against Indian Removal. In doing this, they create interdependent approaches that simultaneously embrace and reject prescribed societal roles in order to construct a rhetorical strategy composed of moments of public solidarity and strategic distance.

Breast cancer is the most common cancer diagnosis of women, with an estimated 232,670 new cases in 2014. With 89.2% of breast cancer patients surviving five years or longer, studies are needed to investigate the long-term impact of breast cancer on women and families (National Cancer Institute, 2014). The purpose of this study was to examine, using a mixed methods approach, the impact of chemotherapy on mothering occupations for patients diagnosed with breast cancer. Thirty-one women (mean age=39.6, SD=5.79), with breast cancer of any stage, who were currently undergoing chemotherapy and had at least one child under the age of 18 living in the home, were recruited from a comprehensive breast cancer care center. These participants completed the Fatigue Symptom Inventory Then Test, the Parent Disability Inventory, the FACT-G quality of life inventory, and a demographic questionnaire. Of these 30 participants, ten participants were selected using purposeful sampling to participate in semi-structured interviews focusing on the impact of chemotherapy on mothering occupations. Qualitative data were analyzed using a grounded theory approach (Corbin & Strauss, 2008) and quantitative data were analyzed using SPSS version 22 to determine descriptive statistics and correlations among variables. After analysis, the central category that emerged from the data was “Keeping life the same while weathering cancer treatments,” which was developed from categories of learning, adapting, accepting support, growing and normalcy. Quantitative analyses found a correlation between fatigue and parent disability (Spearman rho correlation = -0.476, p < 0.05), quality of life and fatigue interference (-0.481, p < 0.001) and parent disability and quality of life (0.745, p<0.001). Implications for future occupational therapy practice are discussed.

During the past 10 years Sweden has updated its penal code for sexual crimes twice. Despite this few are convicted for the crime of rape in Sweden. As the majority of perpetrators being male, this is a problem concerning women’s rights to respect for their bodies and personal integrity. A possible explanation, and this study’s point of departure is a potential discrepancy between the intention of the law and the interpretation of the same as the Swedish legal system rests on a foundation of legal positivism. Hence focus of this study has been the motives behind the definition of rape in the law and the interpretation of the same. The purpose has been to establish the development of the rape law and its political motives, how the judicial system has interpreted the legal text in actual cases and if this is in alignment. As to explain why so few are convicted for the crime of rape and to critically examine how this affects women’s rights as well as how the interpretation of the definition of rape can be carried out in a more legally secure way for the victims. This has been done firstly by examining the states public investigations and state bills before the update of the penal codes definition of rape in 2005 and 2013. Secondly by an analysis of arguments used by the Swedish courts, mainly the district courts, in two rape convictions and three verdicts of acquittal. Arguments used by the courts have then been compared to the motives behind the legal definition of rape to see if the perceived discrepancy between the intended meaning of the law and the interpretation of the same existed. Thirdly, the judicial systems legal basis for interpretation was criticised from the two theoretical perspectives of the study; a criticism to legal positivism and a gender hierarchical perspective.   The analysis shows that the updates of the rape law are clearly morally motivated and women’s rights based. In contrast to the legal positivistic judicial system interpretations, avoiding morally based argumentation relying on the systems foundation solely. The critical investigation shows that both a the perceived gender neutral system as well as legal positivistic tradition of sidestepping moral argumentation in courts result in lack of questioning the system and how it comes to its decisions.  Hence the discrepancy between the two systems can be a part of the explanation why women’s rights are not secured in Sweden.