This dissertation examines the beliefs, values, and behaviors that constitute the "culture of gender" in Belize, Central America. The author begins with an overview of feminist theory and other changes in anthropological theory that have influenced her own understanding of social inequality and culture change. She moves from this to a detailed discussion of the historical and demographic features of gender relations in Belize along with a critique of the historiography of the country. One chapter provides a structural analysis of the position and status of women, which is balanced by a micro analysis of how these structural features affect individual women's lives, focusing mostly on the experiences of Creole, Garifuna, and East Indian women. Three chapters contain oral individual narratives that give specific examples of the constraints women live under. The chapters also emphasize how these women have managed change in the contexts of their personal lives and through their participation in women's groups. The process of gender enculturation is analyzed as an impediment to individual and culture change while women's groups are viewed as facilitators of both individual and structural change.

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There is a piece missing from the composition discussions about voice and that is the knowledge which evolves from learning through a dynamic group experience. Voice is recognized by most scholars as having a social component, yet there is little research about voice in writing which has occurred in a social context that is purposefully designed to allow the participants to set their own parameters, ergo exercise their own voices. Through telling stories about voice and having participants choose a means to respond to those personal stories, this dissertation provides a methodology for the emergence of personal voice both physically and metaphorically. From the stories told and the responses to them, it became apparent that voice in writing operates in a much larger context than that of the word on the page. Acute to the emergence of personal voice are issues of vulnerability and personal safety. To hear each other's stories in a secure setting and be guaranteed a response creates a sense of comfort and a willingness to break barriers. Even though there is no universally accepted definition of voice, the term is used facilely and with intention by many people. Because of this it is possible to ask someone to tell a story about his or her personal experience with voice, without defining the word. These stories shed light on how the term is internalized and personally applied. Such storytelling allows a place for each person to be voiceful, whereas a strict or limiting definition of voice can rule some people out. As a pool, individual stories about voice form a field of possibilities. What is told as possible within a group then becomes the socially created parameter for voice. In this way, using the loose group framework presented in this dissertation permits fluidity as well as structure. While voice in writing is certainly framed by social contexts, it is at the same time, highly personal. Far from being at odds, as many scholars suggest, these two dimensions reinforce each other. They are mutually shaping and, therefore, neither can be considered without regard for the other.

Women represent less than three percent of engineering faculty and all indications are that the proportion of women in faculty positions is decreasing at a time when there is a critical shortage of engineering faculty. Qualitative interviews with ten women employed as faculty at two research universities were conducted. Findings indicate they were products of enriched environments and were influenced in their career choice by their fathers. All saw themselves as unusual in some way and described their educational experiences as enriched. The deviance theory, one that states women who chose nontraditional careers reject traditional family roles, was not supported. Participants successfully combined careers with family responsibilities and had partners in similar careers. Participants' partners were supportive. Findings indicate that participants enjoyed their academic careers, especially the freedom to conduct research of their own choosing. While adequately prepared for their roles as researchers and grant writers, they lacked needed formal training in teaching. Further findings indicate they exhibited token behaviors. Although they were highly visible, they attempted to diminish their visibility so as not to pose a threat to male colleagues. They were isolated and did not openly align themselves with feminist causes. They did not experience sexual harassment nor feel they had been seriously discriminated against in their careers. Participants suffered from concerns about their self-image and feared others would perceive they were hired because of gender rather than competence. While few had or needed same-sex role models while in school they willingly served as role models for students. It was concluded that comprehensive changes in all levels of education are needed if the numbers of girls interested in engineering careers is to increase. Systemic changes in how girls are treated in the classroom and how women faculty are supported once hired are needed if a critical mass of women faculty is to be achieved and their influence felt.

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